To Örebro University

Parent training programs (PT) have consistently been shown to be effective for families with children displaying disruptive behavior problems (DBP). However, not all families seem to benefit equally from these programs and the effects are small to moderate. Several studies have examined single factors that might explain variations in outcomes with inconclusive results, and there seems to be a need for a deeper understanding of complex pattern of factors. This generally requires large sample sizes which might be difficult to obtain. Qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) is a method, rarely used in mental health research, that originally was developed for use in research with small and medium sample sizes for understanding and exploring complex real-world situations. The aim of this study was to generate a deeper understanding about combinations of factors that may have an impact on the outcome of PT programs. In addition, we also wanted to introduce QCA in research on mental health interventions and to explore the usefulness of QCA as a bridge between the quantitative and qualitative phases in an explanatory sequential mixed methods study. There were three different pathways, with unique combinations, showing different ways to maintain DBPs after PT and four different combinations of conditions associated with a positive outcome after PT. We also found that QCA was well suited for this type of analysis and that it might be a useful method to generate specific hypothesis that can be tested in future research.

This article re-examines the relationship between democracy and semi-presidential regimes. While numerous scholars have traced the effects of semi-presidential regimes on democracy, few have addressed the risk of reverse causality, namely, that democracy influences the establishment of semi-presidential regimes. This article uses statistical analyses to test whether the level of democracy in a country affects its choice of semi-presidential regime subtype: a premier-presidential or a president-parliamentary. Including all semi-presidential regimes from 1919 until 2015 and controlling for other conditions such as colonial legacy, the level of development and regime diffusion, our results confirm the hypothesis. The higher the level of democracy - the higher the probability of a premier-presidential regime. Our results underline that democracy is a highly influential cause of the type of semi-presidential regime chosen, a conclusion that places a question mark on the self-evident use of the semi-presidential subtypes as an independent variable.

We identify four patterns of diffusion that are likely to explain how trends in death penalty usage spread among countries. The first is geographic proximity, which creates dependency relations between nations that in turn affect the spread of changes in death penalty regimes. The second is global diffusion, meaning processes that spread ideas globally. The third is cultural homogeneity, which can be expected to be conducive for diffusion; studies show that countries similar in terms of language and religion influence each other to a great extent. Finally, similar colonial heritage, which can establish cultural and institutional ties between countries. This study encompasses all independent countries of the world over the period 1800 to 2021. In addition to measures of diffusion, a number of control variables are introduced. Relationships are measured using statistical techniques complemented by qualitative analyses.

The death penalty is a unique form of punishment as it is the most consequential penalty with no options for reversibility. Politically, it is a highly controversial form of punishment, the usage of which varies strongly between and within countries over time. Existing databases on death penalty usage generally cover a time period from the 1950s and onwards. In this article, we introduce a new database that covers the period 1800-2022 for all currently independent countries in the world. We provide a yearly categorization of death penalty status as well as changes of the status. In descriptive analyses, we show how the new data provides a more comprehensive picture of the development of death penalty trends worldwide. The database provides researchers with new opportunities to study the death penalty from a variety of perspectives.

In this article, we introduce a new dataset-the Comparative Semi-Presidential Database (CSPD)-covering classifications of semi-presidential regimes. In contrast to other databases, the CSPD offers several classifications based on different definitions of semi-presidential regimes along with subtypes of semi-presidential regimes. We use definitions developed by Elgie (in: Elgie (ed) Semi-presidentialism in Europe, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1999), Cheibub et al. (Public Choice 143:67-101, 2010), Shugart (French Politics 3(3):323-351, 2005) and Shugart and Carey (Presidents and assemblies: constitutional design and electoral dynamics, Cambridge University Press, New York, 1992). Additionally, we present a modified definition of semi-presidential regimes based on the conceptual discussion in the field. The database covers all independent states from 1900 to 2021. Using empirical analyses, we compare the classifications, the importance of conceptualisation and presenting our measurement for semi-presidential regimes.

Under sista åren har samhällets insatser för att informera och motivera invånarna i Sverige till hemberedskap intensifierats. Men vilka medborgare är det som engagerar sig och som väljer att ”lyssna” till de statliga kampanjerna? Resultaten i detta kapitel av den nationella SOM-undersökningen visar att många lyssnar, intresserar och engagerar sig i linje med statens önskningar. Men alla lyder förstås inte myndigheterna blint, åtminstone inte när det kommer till att se om sin fysiska hemberedskap. När det gäller nivån på engagemanget hos olika medborgargrupper kvarstår – eller möjligen förstärks – klassiska klyftor kopplade till social bakgrund, men också beroende på sådant som graden av politiskt engagemang, tillit till andra människor samt exempelvis förtroendet för myndigheter. De individer som ofta bedöms ha bättre förutsättningar i grunden för att möta samhällskriser utan samhällets hjälp, är också de som visar de jämförelsevis högsta engagemangsnivåerna i den statliga hemberedskapsdiskursen, i de oroliga kampanj- och kristiderna.

Public organisations are starting to show an interest in automated decision-making (ADM). So far, existing research focuses on the governmental perspective on this phenomenon. Less attention is paid to citizens' views on ADM. The aim of this study is to provide empirical insights into citizen awareness of and beliefs about ADM in public-sector services. To this end, we participated in an annual national survey in Sweden carried out by the SOM Institute at Gothenburg University concluding that a minority of the citizens know about the use of ADM in public-sector services. Furthermore, when computers instead of civil servants make decisions in the public-sector, citizens expect decisions by computers to become less legally secure but more impartial. They also expect ADM to take personal circumstances into account to a lesser degree and become less transparent. Finally, we found that citizens with that awareness expect decisions by computers to become more reliable and impartial. Based on our empirical findings in relation to previous research, we suggest four hypotheses on citizen's awareness and beliefs about public-sector ADM.

In this chapter, the authors argue for more developed conceptual, theoretical and measurement elaboration of political awareness. They claim that political awareness has relevance in more situations than previous studies have assumed. The chapter gives an overview of the conventional definition and model, which claims the relevance of political awareness for attitude formation. The seminal work of Zaller (The nature and origins of mass opinion, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1992) is in focus for the overview. The authors challenge his definition by introducing a new conceptual framework of political awareness that consists of three dimensions: (a) political attentiveness, (b) political knowledge and (c) political understanding. Furthermore, they present theoretical and methodological contributions from the chapter in the anthology. These contributions introduce new ideas about the significance of political awareness and new ways to explore political awareness with survey items and comparative design.