To Örebro University

This study examines the boundaries and limitations of the diffusion of "development journalism" among both the editorial body and the journalist body in the Egyptian newsrooms after the 2011 Arab Spring. Newsrooms under study represent different perspectives including state-owned, private-independent, and opposition newspapers. Through in-depth interviews with thirty-seven editors in chief and journalists, the authors studied how the editors and journalists at each newspaper define development journalism, whether the diffusion of development journalism follows a top-down or bottom-up approach, and if development journalism could influence the setting of the news agenda. Results show that the differences are not only apparent in the way development journalism is defined inside the different news organizations, but also between managers and journalists within each. Organizational structures and technological developments are as well factors that affect the way development journalism is diffused inside newsrooms.

This study examines the boundaries and limitations of the diffusion of "development journalism" among both the editorial body and the journalist body in the Egyptian newsrooms after the 2011 Arab Spring. Newsrooms under study represent different perspectives including state-owned, private-independent, and opposition newspapers. Through in-depth interviews with thirty-seven editors in chief and journalists, the authors studied how the editors and journalists at each newspaper define development journalism, whether the diffusion of development journalism follows a top-down or bottom-up approach, and if development journalism could influence the setting of the news agenda. Results show that the differences are not only apparent in the way development journalism is defined inside the different news organizations, but also between managers and journalists within each. Organizational structures and technological developments are as well factors that affect the way development journalism is diffused inside newsrooms.

The use of social media in order to disseminate political communicational strategies has increased in Sweden. Previous studies have showed that social media can benefit right-wing political parties and other ideologically marginalised parties. The Sweden Democrats (SD) have since long preferred social media over main stream media. This paper presents a multimodal critical discourse analysis of a sample from a larger corpus of multimodal posts and video material about immigrants from the social media pages of right-wing populist part Sweden Democrats (SD). Drawing on Van Leeuwen’s and David Machin’s framework for the representation of social actors, this paper investigate how multimodal resources contribute to shaping immigration discourse and to its bias, highlighting exclusionary ideologies through the decontextualisation of social practices. The result of this study show that SD are using the five communication strategies similar to that used by nativist propaganda to emphasise the view of immigrants as a threat to Swedish society. The othering of immigrants as non-natives is enacted through biased representation based on covert racist stereotypes. At the same time, visual anti-immigration rhetoric allows the leaders to “build their people” and self-promote their role as gate-keepers of the nation-state, and the public is urged to vote for them in order to restore security.

Ten years after the onset of the Arab revolutions, Facebook and Twitter have turned into powerful enablers of vast disinformation campaigns, harassment, censorship, and incitement of violence against activists, journalists, and human rights defenders. This, however, does not mean that the Egyptian online experience is over. A new generation of digital activists has started to emerge, bringing together disparate individuals and groups educating citizens how to exploit social media tools to support a common cause: democracy. Commemorating the tenth anniversary of the Egyptian Revolution, social media activists remembered the 18–day Revolution, revisiting the besieged networked public sphere and examining the future of activism in Egypt. This study aims to map the Egyptian Twittersphere in its celebration of a decade of the Revolution, exploring the actors present, their voice and interactivity, and the main themes that evolved.