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  • 1.
    Hedlund, Gun
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Lindberg, Malin
    Luleå University of Technology, Luleå, Sweden.
    New steering methods in regional policy: transforming the alliance of  ‘state feminism’2012In: Women's Studies: International Forum, ISSN 0277-5395, E-ISSN 1879-243X, Vol. 35, no 3, p. 166-172Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, the theory of ‘state feminism’ is applied on the area of regional development policy, supplementing existing research about state–citizen relationships in northern and southern Europe. Based on Swedish data, it is argued that the former alliance between the women's movement and the welfare state has been transformed as a result of new steering methods in regional development policy in a way that is best understood as a paradox. This paradox includes both stronger and weaker relations. The public support to Women Resource Centres (WRCs) in Sweden is used as an example of ‘state feminism’. The ability of the WRCs to affect policy has changed over time, however, due to the adoption of new steering methods based on networks and market-orientation in Swedish regional development policy. The conclusions induce further development of ‘state feminism’ theory, making it more up-to-date with the prevalent interaction between women's movements and European welfare states.

  • 2.
    Olivius, E
    et al.
    Department of Political Science, Umeå University, Umeå, Sweden.
    Hedström, Jenny
    Department of Political Science, Umeå University, Umeå, Sweden.
    Militarized nationalism as a platform for feminist mobilization? The case of the Burmese women's movement2019In: Women's Studies: International Forum, ISSN 0277-5395, E-ISSN 1879-243X, Vol. 76, article id 102263Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Feminist scholars have convincingly demonstrated how militarism and nationalism rely on the (re)production of gendered hierarchies. As a result, feminism is often assumed to be at odds with these political projects. In this article, we demonstrate that this is not always and not necessarily the case: in contrast, militarized nationalism may even constitute fertile ground for the mobilization of feminist organization and activism. We make this argument drawing on an in-depth case study of the emergence and evolution of an exiled Burmese women's movement from within armed ethno-nationalist struggles in the borderlands of Myanmar. Drawing on interviews with women activists, we examine when and how militarized nationalism can provide a space from which feminist agendas can be articulated and successfully pursued. This case demonstrates that militarized nationalism does not only have the potential to mobilize women's participation, but can provide a platform for feminist organization and activism that transcends, challenges, and eventually reshapes militarized nationalist projects in ways that advance women's rights and equality. These findings call into question generalized assumptions about the conflictual relationship between feminism, militarism and nationalism, and contributes to advance feminist debates about women's mobilization in contexts of armed conflicts and nationalist struggles.

  • 3.
    Peterson, Helen
    University of Gothenburg, Department of Sociology and Work Science, Gothenburg, Sweden.
    Fifty shades of freedom: Voluntary childlessness as women's ultimate liberation2015In: Women's Studies: International Forum, ISSN 0277-5395, E-ISSN 1879-243X, Vol. 53, p. 182-191Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Freedom is an often mentioned motive for remaining childfree. However, there is a lack of systematicapproaches attempting to disentangle the situated meaning of freedom in voluntary childlesswomen's lives. This article draws on qualitative semi-structured interviews with 21 Swedishchildfree women in order to further research how they understand and define freedom. Theanalysis identifies two different discourses of freedom relevant for the construction of thechildfree position. The first discourse includes positive experiences of freedom aspects thatthe childfree women enjoyed in their everyday lives. This discourse also defines freedom aspart of a deep-rooted identity that also involves other life choices, besides rejecting mother-hood. The second discourse comprises negativeopinions about children as risk, motherhoodas time-consuming and parents as“trapped”. The article contextualizes these discourseswithin the contemporary Swedish welfare society.

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