oru.sePublications
Change search
Refine search result
1 - 31 of 31
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf
Rows per page
  • 5
  • 10
  • 20
  • 50
  • 100
  • 250
Sort
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
  • Standard (Relevance)
  • Author A-Ö
  • Author Ö-A
  • Title A-Ö
  • Title Ö-A
  • Publication type A-Ö
  • Publication type Ö-A
  • Issued (Oldest first)
  • Issued (Newest first)
  • Created (Oldest first)
  • Created (Newest first)
  • Last updated (Oldest first)
  • Last updated (Newest first)
  • Disputation date (earliest first)
  • Disputation date (latest first)
Select
The maximal number of hits you can export is 250. When you want to export more records please use the Create feeds function.
  • 1.
    Dalquist, Ulf
    et al.
    Statens medieråd, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences. Statens medieråd, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Socio-economic impact on the digital child: Preliminary findings from the "Kids, media and socio-demographics 2014/15" report2015In: NordMedia 2015, 2015Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This extended abstract presents unique additional data from an upcoming publication in the ongoing project Kids & media (2014/15), conducted by Swedish Media Council (2015). The analysis is based on the findings in the largest quantitative study on children’s media use in Sweden. The study includes 4903 respondents selected from a random sample of all children and parents residing in Sweden. The abstract includes data and analysis dealing with children’s possession of and access to media technology, how they use it and why. Moreover it covers several explorative multivariate analyses of demographic divides covering children’s media use. The demographic analysis assesses the impact of family income, parents’ education levels, and parents’ national background on children’s media possessions and practices. More specifically, this abstract describes the relationship between these socio-demographic variables and children’s access to media technology, extent of media use and self-reflexivity in media activities.

  • 2.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Alternative Media in the World Social Forum2011In: Encyclopedia of social movement media / [ed] John D. H. Downing, Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, 2011, p. 30-34Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 3.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Anti-refugee Mobilization in Social Media: The Case of Soldiers of Odin2018In: Social Media + Society, ISSN 1896-1800, E-ISSN 1557-7112, Vol. 4, no 1, p. 1-11Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the wake of the international refugee crisis, racist attitudes are becoming more publicly evident across the European Union. Propelled by the attacks in Köln on New Year’s Eve 2015 and harsher public sentiments on immigration, vigilante gangs have emerged in various European cities. These gangs mobilize through social media networks and claim to protect citizens from alleged violent and sexual attacks by refugees. This article analyzes how racist actors use social media to mobilize and organize street politics targeting refugees/immigrants. The aim is to explore the relation between social media and anti-refugee mobilization in a time of perceived insecurity and forced migration. The study uses the vigilante network Soldiers of Odin as a specific case, looking at (1) how they communicate through social media, (2) how they are represented in the large “alternative” space of right-wing online sites, and (3) how they are represented in traditional mainstream news. Using a critical adaption of Cammaerts’ theory of “mediation opportunity structure,” the article explicates the (inverted) rationale of racist online networks. Using quantitative and qualitative content analysis, both social media content and traditional news media are examined. The results show that although racist actors succeed in utilizing many of the opportunities embedded in social media communication and protest logic, they are also subject to constraints, such as a lack of public support and negative framing in news media. The article calls for more research on the (critical) relationship between uncivil engagement and social media networks.

  • 4.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Birikimi Anlamak: Marx’ın İlkel Birikim Kuramı’nın Medya ve İletişim Çalışmaları Açısından Önemi2014In: Marx geri döndü: medya, meta ve sermaye birikimi / [ed] Vincent Mosco, Christian Fuchs & Funda Başaran, Ankara: Nota Bene Yayinlari , 2014, p. 83-118Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 5.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Communicating social struggle- challenges and obstacles of alternative media and communication in the World Social Forum2008In: IAMCR-Congress 2008, 2008Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 6.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Institutionen för journalistik, medier och kommunikation (JMK), Stockholms universitet, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Den globala rättviserörelsen i svenska medier: Hegemoniska formationer i relationen mellan journalistik och kapitalism2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The mobilisations against global summits towards the end of the last millennium, and the creation of the World Social Forum (WSF) in 2001, made an emerging global network of social movements visible. This thesis analyses media representations of the global justice movement, with the intention of exploring the relation between journalism and hegemonic formations in the capitalist system. The analysis includes representations of social mobilisations against global summits between 1999 and 2007, and the WSF between 2001 and 2007, in all Swedish daily newspapers. The analysis draws on theories of journalism as a social institution, and Gramsci’s concept of hegemonic formations.

    Using critical discourse analysis (CDA), the dissertation reveals that the representation of protests subordinates political aspects to violence, and that discursive violence presupposes physical violence. The protests are generally defined from of a hegemonic position of the political, but sometimes protest emerges in relation to legitimate political departure points. Simultaneously it is also downplayed as anti-political. The representation of WSF is more heterogeneous. It is portrayed as: an alternative, an anti-movement, and a carnival. Some aspects of violence are also highlighted through the presence of absent violence. The representations both reproduce a hegemonic order, and in some cases highlight hegemonic struggle.

    The thesis concludes that the global justice movement actualizes relations between dominance and resistance in the global system, but that the distance between the social mobilization and the Swedish context, transforms the protests and the WSF to temporary and partly isolated events. The historical continuity in the relations between social mobilization and news journalism shows that social movements cannot rely upon conventional news coverage.

  • 7.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences. Statens medieråd.
    Mellan auktoritet och autonomi: Medieanvändning, föräldramedling och konflikter i familjelivet2016Report (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Den här rapporten handlar om barns medieanvändning, de strategier som föräldrar tillämpar för att kontrollera sitt barns medieanvändning och de familjekonflikter som barns mediebruk kan ge upphov till. Studien undersöker dels vilka konflikter som uppstår kring barns medieanvändning, och dels hur barn och föräldrar uppfattar och hanterar konfliktsituationer. Studien baseras på en kombination av kvantitativ och kvalitativ metod, i vilken statistisk analys av enkätdata kompletteras med analyser av kvalitativa intervjuer med barn och föräldrar. Rapporten bidrar med ny kunskap om barns medieanvändning och barn–föräldrarelationer i vardagslivet.

  • 8.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Networking Islamophobia: The global online network of Counter-jihad2012In: ECREA 2012, 2012Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Negative attitudes, animosity and explicit racism aimed towards Muslims are increasingly visible in Europe. In several European countries far right-wing political parties focusing on the “Islamic problem” have gained access to, or strengthen their positions in, national parliaments. In recent years the political debate concerning immigration and integration has shifted tone. Mainstream right wing political parties, some with a history of liberal attitudes towards immigration, have jumped on the anti-immigrant bandwagon in search of disillusioned voters. In fuelling and normalizing more extreme standpoints on immigration and immigrants, the Internet has facilitated a space where xenophobic viewpoints and racist attitudes towards Muslims are expressed. A growing number of web pages, blogs and communities form a network that combines paranoid visions of an immanent Islamic invasion and a demand for harsher immigration legislations.

    This paper examines the content, character and structure of the Counter-jihad online network. It focuses on the hyperlinks and the inter-textual and inter-discursive relations between political parties, organisations and actors. The paper analyses the discursive strategies used in framing Islam and Muslims as the most prominent threat to Europe and to “European values”. The study draws on theories of racism and the connection between elite discourses, racism and mass media. Methodologically the paper combines elements from social network analysis and critical discourse analysis.

    The study shows that the Islamophobic web pages constitutes a dynamic network of different actors, such as journalists, politicians, intellectuals, political parties and organisations, situated in different political and geographical environments. The discourses that emanates from the various nodes and actors in the network create a seemingly anti-establishment position by framing racist and xenophobic standpoints as a defence of western values, a question of freedom of speech and a critique against religious extremism. The analysis shows that the online sites use news media content in order to disseminate negative stories on immigrants in general, and Muslims in particular. The study also shows that the web pages use xenophobic currents within elite mainstream media in order to mobilize supporters.

  • 9.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Online Islamophobia and the politics of fear: manufacturing the green scare2016In: Muslims, Migration and Citizenship: Processes of Inclusion and Exclusion / [ed] Bulmer, Martin & Solomos John, London: Routledge, 2016Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Negative attitudes and explicit racism against Muslims are increasingly visible in public discourse throughout Europe. Right-wing populist parties have strengthened their positions by focusing on the ‘Islamic threat’ to the West. Concurrently, the Internet has facilitated a space where racist attitudes towards Muslims are easily disseminated into the public debate, fuelling animosity against European Muslims. This paper explores part of the online Islamophobic network and scrutinizes the discursive strategies deployed by three ‘prominent’ online actors. By combining social network analysis and critical discourse analysis, the study shows that Islamophobic web pages constitute a dynamic network with ties to different political and geographical milieus. The discourses create a seemingly mainstream political position by framing racist standpoints as a defence of Western values and freedom of speech. The study also shows that Islamophobic discourse is strengthened by xenophobic currents within mass media, and by the legitimization of intellectuals and political actors.

  • 10.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Online Islamophobia and the politics of fear: manufacturing the green scare2015In: Ethnic and Racial Studies, ISSN 0141-9870, E-ISSN 1466-4356, Vol. 38, no 11, p. 1986-2002Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Negative attitudes and explicit racism against Muslims are increasingly visible in public discourse throughout Europe. Right-wing populist parties have strengthened their positions by focusing on the ‘Islamic threat’ to the West. Concurrently, the Internet has facilitated a space where racist attitudes towards Muslims are easily disseminated into the public debate, fuelling animosity against European Muslims. This paper explores part of the online Islamophobic network and scrutinizes the discursive strategies deployed by three ‘prominent’ online actors. By combining social network analysis and critical discourse analysis, the study shows that Islamophobic web pages constitute a dynamic network with ties to different political and geographical milieus. They create a seemingly mainstream political position by framing racist standpoints as a defence of Western values and freedom of speech. The study also shows that Islamophobic discourse is strengthened by xenophobic currents within mass media, and by the legitimization of intellectuals and political actors.

  • 11.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Online Islamophobia: The relation between elite news discourse and increasing xenophobia in Swedish blogs2011In: IAMCR 2011: Internet Consequences on Political Parties and Activism, 2011Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Islamophobia, and racism against Muslims, are on the rise in Europe. In Sweden, a far right-wing political party with a neo-Nazi past gain parliamentary access in the recent election. In recent years the political debate concerning immigration has shifted tone in Sweden. Mainstream right wing political parties, with a history of liberal attitudes towards immigration, have jumped on the anti-immigrant bandwagon in search of disillusioned voters. In fuelling and normalizing more extreme standpoints on immigration and immigrants, the Internet has facilitated a space of increasing xenophobia and racism. A growing number of web pages, blogs and communities form a new kind network, which combines paranoid visions of an immanent Islamic invasion and a demand for harsher immigration legislations. In Sweden, islamophobic web logs and pages, have undoubtedly contributed to the success of the far-right nationalist party Sverigedemokraterna in the election in 2010. They have also been part of a general shift in the mainstream political discourse on immigration and cultural integration.

    This paper examines part of the Swedish islamophobic web-community and its relation to mediated discourses on Islam and Muslims in mainstream online news media. It taps into the discursive construction of Islam and Muslims in three of the most popular xenophobic Swedish blogs, and examines the inter-textual, inter-discursive relations and the hyperlinks between online islamophobic blogs/pages and mainstream online news and its relations to institutionalised politics (domestic and foreign).

    The study draws on theories of racism in mass media and the connection between elite discourses, geopolitics and racism (van Dijk, 1993). It also discusses the role of historic representation of the non-European other in general, and of Muslims in particular.

    The study shows that the online islamophobic web pages, use, and link to, certain online newspapers, journalists and news topics in order to confirm, or contrast their position on Islam and Muslims. They create a seemingly anti-establishment position by framing racist and xenophobic standpoints as a question of freedom of speech and critique against religious extremism. The study also shows that the online pages use xenophobic currents within elite mainstream media in order to mobilize voters in support of far right-wing political parties.

  • 12.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Popularising Fascist Politics: Video Activism of the Swedish Extreme Right2013In: Nordmedia 2013, 2013Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The extreme right’s early adaptation of digital communication technology has gained plenty of scholarly attention. However, most research has been focused on the political discourses and the networking in relation to online communication. In recent years an emerging body of work on the specific communicative forms used in facilitating and enabling both collective and connective action repertoires have contributed to greater understanding of how digital communication relates to social mobilisation. Swedish extreme right-wing groups have a long history of alternative media production, and today producing and distributing digital videos have become a key strategy in their political communication.

    This paper explores the video activism deployed by extreme far-right groups in Sweden. It analyses the ideological and aesthetical aspects of visual politics, and the distribution strategies facilitated by YouTube. The study is based on an analysis of more than 200 clips produced a by four extreme right-wing organisations. It explores the intersection between political discourse and visual propaganda. The study shows that clips have, at least, three major functions. First, they confirm the existence of extreme right-wing groups to a potentially large audience. Second, the content of the clips contributes to a normalization of the socio-political dimensions of the extreme right. Third, YouTube constitutes a political arena in itself, and video production are adjusted and shaped to the specific media logic and structures of YouTube, making video activism a political practice.

  • 13.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences. Statens medieråd, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Pro‐violence and antidemocratic right-wing extremist messages on the Internet2014In: Pro-violence and anti-democratic messages on the Internet, Stockholm: Statens medieråd , 2014, , p. 319p. 49-131Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 14.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Sanitising Fascism: Online Video Activism of the Swedish Far Right2013In: IAMCR 2013, 2013Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The extreme rights early adaptation of digital communication technology has gained plenty of scholarly attention. However, most of the research have been focused on the political discourses, the specific rhetorics(such as hate-speech), community building, and the networking of extreme right organisations in relation to online communication and new media. In recent years a emerging body of work on the specific communicative forms used in facilitating and enabling both collective and connective action repertoires have contributed to greater understanding of how social media and digital communication relates to social mobilisation in general.

     

    Swedish extreme right-wing groups have a long history of alternative media production and today video making and online distribution and circulation of visual clips have become a key strategy in their political communication. Organisations operating within a well developed online infrastructure (including communities, news media outlets and blogs) are also well established actors on commercial platforms such as YouTube and Twitter. This paper explores the video activism deployed by extreme far-right groups in Sweden. It analyses the ideological and aesthetical aspects of extreme visual politics, and the distribution strategies facilitated by YouTube (the circulation of online clips by embedding, linking, etc) The study is based on an analysis of more than 200 clips produced and disseminated by four different organizations pertaining to the Swedish extreme right-wing milieu. It explores the ideological and aesthetic elements of the clips, focusing on the intersection between political messages and visual propaganda. Furthermore it also examines how the circulation of clips come to fore in online platforms deployed by far right groups. 

     

    The study shows that film clip have, at least, three major functions for the extreme right groups. First, by taking part in a mainstream commercial online platform, they confirm the existence of extreme right-wing groups to a potentially greater audience. Second, the content of the clips contributes to a normalization of the socio-political dimensions of extreme right-wing groups. By focusing on practices, discourses and aesthetics that does not necessarily connects to extreme politics, they contribute to a sanitation of neo-fascist politics and practices. Third, YouTube constitutes a political arena in itself, and video production are adjusted and shaped to the specific media logic and communication structures of YouTube. Therefore video activism on YouTube could also be understood as a political practice in its own.

  • 15.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    The dark side of online activism: Swedish right-wing extremist video activism on YouTube2014In: Mediekultur, ISSN 0900-9671, E-ISSN 1901-9726, Vol. 30, no 56, p. 79-99Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent years, an emerging body of work, centred on specific communicative forms used in facilitating collective and connective action, have contributed to greater understanding of how digital communication relates to social mobilisation. Plenty of these studies highlight the progressive potentiality of digital communication. However, undemocratic actors also utilise the rapid advancement in digital technology. This article explores the online video activism of extreme right-wing groups inSweden. It analyses more than 200 clips on YouTube, produced by five right-wingextremist organisations. The study shows that the extreme right deploy video activism as a strategy of visibility to mobilise and strengthen activists. Moreover, the groups attempt to alter the perception of (historically-rooted) socio-political identities of the extreme right. Furthermore, YouTube becomes a political arena in which action repertoires and street politics are adapted to the specific characteristics of online video activism. Finally, video activism could be understood as an aestheticisation of politics.

  • 16.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    The relevance of Marx's theory of primitive accumulation for media and communication research2016In: Marx in the age of digital capitalism / [ed] Christian Fuchs, Vincent Mosco, Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers , 2016, p. 105-132Chapter in book (Refereed)
  • 17.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Theories of video activism and fascism2017In: TOTalitarian ARTs: the Visual Arts, Fascism(s) and Mass-society / [ed] M. Epstein, F. Orsitto and A. Righi, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017, 1, p. 408-425Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter draws on three different, yet not exclusive, perspectives in order to assess the production, content and distribution strategies of far right-wing video activism on YouTube. First, by drawing on Ahmed’s (2004) theory on affective economies, and the notion that contemporary societies have turned to “culture” (e.g. Kundnani 2012a; Yilmaz 2012), the chapter argues that neo-fascist video activism could be understood as a cultural politics of emotions. Second, this essay discusses how this concoction of violence and masculinity constitutes a particular form of fascist bio-politics. This section taps into some of the ideals of historical fascism (and its historic aesthetics), as well as the sociological aspects of contemporary masculine identity in neo-fascist movements. Thus, this section argues that video activism could be understood as an articulation of masculine bio-politics. Finally, the chapter turns to Benjamin’s (1930/1979) theory of fascism and the aestheticisation of politics, in order to understand how emotions, violence and masculinity are performed in the visual representations of far right-wing activists and practices. 

  • 18.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Understanding Accumulation: The Relevance of Marx’s Theory of Primitive Accumulation in Media and Communication Studies2012In: tripleC (cognition, communication, co-operation): Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society / Unified Theory of Information Research Group, ISSN 1726-670X, E-ISSN 1726-670X, Vol. 10, no 2, p. 156-170Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this article is to discuss and use Marx’s theory on primitive accumulation, outlined in the first volume of Capital, in relation to media and communication research. In order to develop Marx’s argument the discussion is revitalized through Harvey’s concept of accumulation by dispossession. The article focuses on two different fields within media and communication research where the concept of accumulation by dispossession is applicable. First, the role of news media content, news flows and news media systems are discussed in relation to social mobilization against capitalism, privatizations, and the financial sector. Second, Marx’s theory is used to examine how communication in Web 2.0 and the development of ICTs could advance the processes of capital accumulation by appropriating the work performed by users of Web 2.0 and by increasing the corporate surveillance of Internet users. In conclusion, by analyzing how primitive accumulation is intertwined with contemporary expanded reproduction of capital, the article shows that Marx’s theory can contribute to critical media and communication research in several ways.

  • 19.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences. Statens medieråd, Stockholm, Sverige.
    Våldsbejakande och antidemokratiska högerextrema budskap på internet2013In: Våldsbejakande och antidemokratiska budskap på internet, Stockholm: Statens medieråd , 2013, , p. 75p. 47-118Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 20.
    Ekman, Mattias
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    You Tube Fascism: Visual Activism of the Extreme Right2017In: TOTalitarian ARTs: the Visual Arts, Fascism(s) and Mass-society / [ed] M. Epstein, F. Orsitto and A. Righi, Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2017, 1, p. 350-373Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This essay explores the online video activism of neo-fascist groups in Sweden. The primary aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of more than 200 video clips produced and disseminated on You Tube by five organizations. Furthermore, the chapter discusses how the video content relates to the political strategies of the extreme right and to the social mobilization and recruitment (possibilities) of far-right activists. In order to relate the online video material to the politics and the sociology of the extreme right, the chapter focuses on the relationship beween mediated communication and the socio-cultural context of far right-wing politics (cf. Fairclough 1995). This implies that the video material must be understood in relation to a broader framework of contemporary far right-wing ideology and political action. Furhermore, through an understanding of video communication on online platforms such as You Tube as a way of performing and articulating “different modes of audience address” (van Zoonen, Vis and Mihelj 2010, 249), the chapter discusses the relationship between mediated representation and political mobilisation/engagment.

  • 21.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Statens medieråd, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Dalquist, Ulf
    Statens medieråd, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Media life and everyday negotiations: New (and old) conflicts in digital family life2015In: NordMedia 2015, 2015Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The mediatization of everyday life implies that media practices increasingly (re)shape social relations within family life (Clarke, 2014). Devices such as the smart phone and the tablet computer have become mundane tools, integrated in most children’s everyday life. An intricate repertoire of media practices reshape family relations and create new, and reinforce old, family conflicts. However, despite the rapid change in the social practices of children’s life, as a result of a more advanced media use, there is surprisingly little research on media related family conflicts. A growing body of scholarly work highlights the impact and consequences of children’s digital media use, but the amount of empirical studies that actually assess family conflict as an object of inquiry are few. In an attempt to fill this research gap, this paper aims to assess how children and parents view and deal with conflicts associated with children’s increasingly advanced media use in relation to contemporary family life. The analysis is based on survey data from 1597 children in Sweden. Moreover, the paper also includes an analysis of more than 30 qualitative interviews with children and parents. The paper highlights the implications of new (and old) media use of children in relation to the family context – scrutinizing both children’s and parents’ perspective on conflicts and conflict negotiations in everyday life situations. The paper includes a theoretical framework for the study, findings from the large scale quantitative data, and a preliminary analysis from the qualitative interviews with parents and children.

  • 22.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMK), Stockholm, Sweden.
    Gustafsson, Jessica
    Stockholm University, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMK), Stockholm, Sweden.
    The global carnival of the oppressed arrives to Nairobi: National, regional and global discourses on World Social Forum Nairobi, 2007 in Kenyan newspapers2008In: International Communication Section: IAMCR-Congress 2008, 2008Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 23.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Södertörn University, Huddinge, Sweden.
    Celebrity politics in an age of visual connectivity: Exploring Instagram as a platform for political mass-self communication2017Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper explores Instagram as a platform for political mass-self communication. Drawing on theories of mediatization and celebrity politics, it analyses how various forms of symbolic connectivity are expressed and performed by 16 leading politicians in Sweden, and moreover how their social media use relate to traditional mainstream media. The study leans on a content analysis (n=800) and results show that journalism still holds a strong symbolic value, even when politicians are in charge of the political discourse. In addition, it reveals how the platform logic of Instagram contributes to the formation of digital life style politics, where symbolic connections between politicians and a variety of actors are staged through new mediatized relations. Visual political communication does inherit a democratic and interactive potential. However, according to the analyzed data, most politicians avoid public interaction. Instead, they are preoccupied with the branding of their public persona.

  • 24.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Journalism, Media and Communication (JMK), Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Mediatized interdependency: Mediated interaction between journalists and politicians on Twitter2014In: Rethinking the Mediatization of Politics, 2014Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and political communication. A key trajectory in the relationship between news media institutions and political institutions is related to the changing practices of media production. The interconnections between journalists and politicians have been increasingly complex after the rise of political communication on and through social media platforms. Both politicians and journalists become dependent on factors that pertain to the communicative infrastructure and practices of social media. For example, communication on Twitter is characterised by high velocity, immediacy, and the public interactivity between politicians and journalists. This paper suggest that power relations between journalists and political actors are most fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, where both parties are reliant on each other in order to get their work done properly. For example, the relations between politicians and journalists on social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook, could be understood as negotiation (Berkowitz, 2009) or as a struggle (Broersma et. al., 2013). However, the struggle is no longer so much about what ‘could’ be published, but about an on-going discursive battle that takes place in the digital public space. Political actors often make official statements through Twitter, where they ‘correct’ publications they consider problematic. When doing so, they become media producers, which, in turn, use journalism as source and vehicle for promoting their own agenda. Consequently, media logic in the digital era is not restricted to the ground principles of journalistic work, but to a much broader set of opportunities, available to political and commercial institutions in society as well as to the broader public. In order to empirically assess the concept of mediatized interdependency the paper draws on several examples of politicians- journalists interactivity on Twitter. 

  • 25.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Södertörn University, Södertörn, Sweden .
    Performative Intimacies and Political Celebritisation2017In: Selfie Citizenship / [ed] Adi Kuntsman, Cham: Springer, 2017, 1, p. 65-74Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Mattias Ekman and Andreas Widholm provide fresh insights into an ongoing performative turn in political communication, arguing that the incorporation of selfies into the daily communication strategies of individual politicians entails a popularisation and celebration of political discourse. Against the background of Swedish politicians’ self-imagery on Instagram, they show that ‘performed connectivity’ has become increasingly central for political identity making online, paralleling the celebrity management of actors in the global entertainment industry. This development is problematised in terms of three performative styles that disclose strategic choices in which politicians act and interact across the increasingly blurring boundaries of the professional and the private and where symbolic connections between politicians and citizens are staged through new mediatised performances.

  • 26.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Political communication in an age of visual connectivity: Exploring Instagram practices among Swedish politicians2017In: Northern Lights, ISSN 1601-829X, E-ISSN 2040-0586, Vol. 15, no 1, p. 15-32Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores the specific features of Instagram as a platform for visual political communication. Drawing on theories of mediatization and celebrity politics, it analyses how various forms of symbolic connectivity are expressed and performed by sixteen leading politicians in Sweden, and moreover how their social media use relates to news media. The study leans on a content analysis (n=800) and results show that journalism still holds a strong symbolic value, even when politicians are in charge of the political discourse. In addition, it reveals how the platform logic of Instagram contributes to the formation of digital lifestyle politics, where symbolic connections between politicians and a variety of actors are staged through new mediatized relations. Visual political communication does inherit a democratic and interactive potential. However, according to the analysed data, most politicians avoid public interaction. Instead, they are preoccupied with the branding of their public persona.

  • 27.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Södertörn University, Huddinge, Sweden.
    Politicians as Media Producers: Current trajectories in the relation between journalists and politicians in the age of social media2017In: Theories of Journalism in a Digital Age / [ed] Steensen, Steen & Ahva, Laura, New York: Routledge, 2017, p. 191-204Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and politics. The increasingly complex media milieu, in which the boundaries between media producers and audiences become partly dissolved, calls for new theoretical approaches in study of journalism.  This article reassesses central theoretical arguments about the relationship between journalism, sources, politics and democracy. Drawing on a pilot study of the printed press, it explores the increased social media use among politicians in Sweden and its implications for political journalism. The article suggests that power relations between journalism and politics can be fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, a perspective that acknowledge that both journalists and politicians have become both actors and sources through mutual interaction in online spaces. Furthermore, it argues that social media use has expanded journalism’s interest in the private life politicians, thereby contributing to a de-politicization of politics.

  • 28.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Politicians as Media Producers: Current trajectories in the relation between journalists and politicians in the age of social media2015In: Journalism Practice, ISSN 1751-2786, E-ISSN 1751-2794, Vol. 9, no 1, p. 78-91Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The emergence of social media raises new questions concerning the relationship between journalists and politicians and between news media and politics. The increasingly complex media milieu, in which the boundaries between media producers and audiences become partly dissolved, calls for new theoretical approaches in the study of journalism. This article reassesses central theoretical arguments about the relationship between journalism, sources, politics and democracy. Drawing on a pilot study of the printed press, it explores the increased social media use among politicians in Sweden and its implications for political journalism. The article suggests that power relations between journalism and politics can be fruitfully explored from the perspective of mediatized interdependency, a perspective that acknowledges that journalists and politicians have become both actors and sources through mutual interaction in online spaces. Furthermore, it argues that social media use has expanded journalisms interest in the private life of politicians, thereby contributing to a de-politicization of politics.

  • 29.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    The tweeting minister: The new(s) impact of Swedish foreign minister Carl Bildt’s use of Twitter2014In: 5th International Conference on Democracy as Idea and Practice: Workshop in Comparative Perspectives on Social Media in Political Communication / [ed] Anders Olof Larsson, 2014Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A key trajectory in the relationship between news media institutions and political institutions is related to the changing practices of media production. The interconnections between journalists and politicians have been increasingly complex after the rise of political communication on and through social media platforms. Politicians use Twitter and Facebook as communicative platforms, both in relation to private users (citizens, audiences), and in order to influence and network with news media professionals (e.g. Larsson and Moe 2012). One of the most prolific and ‘successful’ users of social media among politicians is Swedish foreign minister Carl Bildt.  This paper analyses the impact of Bildt’s twitter use on Swedish news during 2013. The study is based on a content analysis of Sweden’s six highest-circulating newspapers during the first eleven month of the year, analysing the total amount of tweets originated from Bildt that made it into the print newspapers. The study scrutinises in what news contexts tweets are used as sources, what news topics the tweets are part of, to what extent tweets pertain to the professional or personal dimension of Bildt, if the tweets are framed in positive, negative or neutral terms and the schematic ‘position’ of the tweets in the news articles. The paper argues that professional Twitter practices among high-end users normalise Twitter as a platform for journalistic practices. ‘Prominent’ users such as Carl Bildt provide news producers with easily accessed comments in a time of decreasing resources for critical inquiry, fact checking and thorough news reporting. The paper also discusses if social media could be understood as an arena where political messages and identities become increasingly marketised in relation to news production (cf. Wodak 2011). 

  • 30.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Tweeting politics: Exploring the social media interrelationship between journalism and politics in Sweden2013In: Nordmedia 2013, 2013Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The mediatization of politics refers to a process by which media institutions become increasingly powerful actors in society, making political activities and policy making dependent on journalistic demands and media logic. This paper highlights the new interrelationships between politicians and journalists that have occurred in connection with the rise of political communication on social media platforms. Political actors, previously positioned outside the realm of media, have now incorporated social media use into their communication strategies, thus, journalists are now facing politicians in a multimodal communication environment. Whereas previous studies on Twitter have analysed news topics on Twitter, or news coverage of Twitter as a phenomenon, this paper maps some of the essential factors that can explain how and to which extent Twitter messages by Swedish politicians are used in journalistic content.

    Using content analysis, this paper scrutinizes the total amount of tweets originated from politicians that made it into the news, in four large daily newspapers. The study examines in what contexts Tweets are used as sources, what news topics political tweets are part of, the actors behind the tweets, the geographical aspects of the political issue, and to what extent tweets pertain to the political or personal dimensions. The paper include a theoretical framework for the study, reflections on the content analysis and the result of a pilot study that examines the impact of politicians’ tweets in news.

  • 31.
    Ekman, Mattias
    et al.
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Widholm, Andreas
    Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Twitter and the celebritisation of politics2014In: Celebrity Studies, ISSN 1939-2397, E-ISSN 1939-2400, Vol. 5, no 4, p. 518-520Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    A distinctive feature of our time is the constant circulation of mediated images of celebrities, a process that has taken new directions after the rise of social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and Instagram. This article draws on the contention that contemporary politics is increasingly celebritised, both in terms of how politicians are folded into specific celebrity frames in the news media and in the way politicians ‘perform’ their own professional and private identities through frequent use of social media. Recently, Twitter has become an established platform for a more personal form of political communication, where politicians can influence and network with news media professionals as well as showcase images of their successful and glamorous lives.

    Drawing on examples from the prolific tweeter and Swedish minister for foreign affairs Carl Bildt we argue that the celebritisation of politics that takes place on Twitter can be conceptualised in terms of three modes of ‘performed connectivity’: public, media and celebrity connectivity respectively. As an analytical concept, performed connectivity accentuates that political communication on Twitter is increasingly performative, meaning that it exhibits the professional as well as private sides of politicians’ daily lives. The term also underlines that this performativity is intimately linked to ideas of connectivity, which create associations of status and ‘known-ness’ in the digital public space.

1 - 31 of 31
CiteExportLink to result list
Permanent link
Cite
Citation style
  • apa
  • ieee
  • modern-language-association-8th-edition
  • vancouver
  • Other style
More styles
Language
  • de-DE
  • en-GB
  • en-US
  • fi-FI
  • nn-NO
  • nn-NB
  • sv-SE
  • Other locale
More languages
Output format
  • html
  • text
  • asciidoc
  • rtf