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  • 1. Duvold, Kjetil
    et al.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Alternatives to democracy: The resilience of elitist and authoritarian preferences in central and eastern Europe2004In: Central Europe beyond double enlargement / [ed] Algimantas Jankauskas, Ramūnas Vilpišauskas, Vilnius: Vilnius University , 2004Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 2.
    Ekman, Joakim
    et al.
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Linde, Jonas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Hybridregimer: förändrade förutsättningar för demokrati och demokratibistånd2007In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 109, no 2, p. 133-137Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 3.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Demokrati eller presidentdiktatur?: Konstitutionella vägval i postkommunistiska länder 2008In: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, Vol. 22, no 2, p. 141-161Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Democracy or Presidential Dictatorship? Constitutional Pathways in Post-Communist Countries

     

    While authoritarian presidents prevail throughout the post-Soviet region under strongly president oriented constitutions, democracy according to parliamentary principles triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain that strong presidential constitutions are dominant throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why did so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) choose neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements characterised by a directly elected president provided with considerable powers coexisting with a prime minister? The analysis suggests that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant for grasping these questions. Key factors have been the type of regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With different strength and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors’ preferences and final constitutional compromises.

  • 4.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Electoral engineering in the post-Soviet context: the Ukrainian case2001Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 5.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Från sovjetrepublik till presidentdiktatur2008In: Samtidigt i Vitryssland / [ed] Ulrika Eriksson, Stockholm: Kristdemokratiskt internationellt center (KIC) , 2008Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 6.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Individer, inte partier!: Starka ledare och politikens presidentialisering2010In: Politik, protest, populism: deltagande på nya villkor / [ed] Joakim Ekman, Jonas Linde, Malmö: Liber , 2010, p. 225-252Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 7.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Presidentmakt och parlamentarism i Östeuropa2009In: Det nya Östeuropa: stat och nation i förändring / [ed] Fredrika Björklund, Johnny Rodin, Lund: Studentlitteratur AB, 2009, p. 379-408Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 8.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Pro-premiär eller pro-president?: om distinktionen mellan parlamentarism, presidentialism och semipresidentialism2002In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 105, no 4, p. 273-295Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central and Eastern Europe and also from the longstanding debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been and continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism and presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms and different scholars therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that using the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiär (premier-presidentialism) and pro-president systems (president-parliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorising constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems and try to reveal clear patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region and democratisation.

  • 9.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Semi-presidential perils: trends and issues of intra-executive conflict in Eastern Europe 1990-20082009Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 10.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    The tug-of-war between presidents and prime ministers: semi-presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Presidential power and constitutional issues are at the very core of recent popular upheavals in the former Soviet republics, as demonstrated by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004, and similar protests in Georgia in 2003 and in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. After the demise of the Soviet Union, these countries opted for a particular form of semi-presidentialism, here referred to as president-parliamentary. This dissertation deals with president-parliamentary systems, as well as with the other form of semi-presidentialism, namely premier-presidentialism. The study examines a typical feature of semi-presidentialism, i.e. intra-executive conflicts between the president and the prime minister/cabinet, by analysing the pattern, institutional triggers, and implications of such conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, the choice of semi-presidentialism and differences in transitional context and constitutional building are accounted for. The following countries are specifically dealt with: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, and Romania, Russia and Ukraine. The study’s empirical base is a mixture of data derived from literature, reports, review of constitutional documents, as well as from an expert survey conducted among analysts with an expert knowledge on the countries under scrutiny.

    The results suggest that both actor-oriented and historical-institutional factors have to be considered in order to understand why so many post-communist countries ended up with semi-presidentialism, and why there is such a sharp divide between Central Europe and the (non-Baltic) former Soviet republics with regard to the choice of semi-presidential type. The pattern of intra-executive struggles reveals that conflicts were somewhat more recurrent in the early period following the transition, but persist as a frequently occurring phenomenon throughout the post-communist period. The most common type of conflict has revolved around division of powers within the executive branch. As for triggers of conflict, the study suggests that certain institutional factors, such as electoral concurrence and party system fragmentation, have been important. Regarding the management of conflict, and the options available to the conflicting parties, the analysis indicates that the constitutional courts have played an important role as conflict mediators, and that attempts of changing the constitution, and using public addresses are options preferred by the presidents. Finally, the analysis shows that intra-executive conflict is associated with cabinet instability. A case study example also illustrates how the president-parliamentary framework can be related to policy ineffectiveness. The study finally concludes that premier-presidential systems have great governance potential provided that the party systems develop and consolidate. The conclusions regarding the president-parliamentary system are less encouraging, and it is argued that the adoption of this system is an important factor in relation to the failed democratisation in many post-Soviet countries.

  • 11.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    The Tug-of-War between Presidents and Prime Ministers: Semi-Presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2008Book (Other academic)
  • 12.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Örebro University, School of Law, Psychology and Social Work.
    Dilemmas of semi-presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe: intra-executive conflict and cabinet instability2008Conference paper (Other academic)
  • 13.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Intra-executive conflict and cabinet instability: Effects of semi-presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2010In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 45, no 4, p. 505-530Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Comparing eight post-communist semi-presidential systems (Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Ukraine, and Russia), comprising a total of 65 instances of intra-executive coexistence between 1991 and 2007, this article asks to what extent and in what ways president–cabinet conflicts increase the risk of pre-term termination of governments. Previous studies of intra-executive conflicts in semi-presidential regimes have mainly been occupied with explaining why conflicts occur in the first place, and neglected the question of how such conflicts are actually related to political outcomes. The present empirical investigation demonstrates that the occurrence of intra-executive conflict in transitional semi-presidential systems is likely to produce high rates of cabinet turnover.

  • 14.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Eriksson, Charli
    Örebro University, School of Health and Medical Sciences.
    Politiska utmaningar: demokratienkäten 20042010In: Partnerskap för hållbar välfärdsutveckling: utveckling och forskning under sex år i fyra städer / [ed] Charli Eriksson, Eva Järliden, Annika Larsson, Solveig Sandberg, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2010, p. 173-187Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 15.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    et al.
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Eriksson, Charli
    Örebro University, Department of Health Sciences.
    Sandberg, Andreas
    Välfärdsutveckling på stadsdelsnivå: Baronbackarna i Örebro, Dalhem i Helsingborg, Hageby i Norrköping och Pettersberg i Västerås2007Report (Other academic)
  • 16.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Representativ demokrati 2.0: en utvärdering av Malmöinitiativet och Malmöpanelen2010Report (Other academic)
1 - 16 of 16
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