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  • 1551.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Blogging in the shadow of parties: exploring ideological differences in online campaigning2013Ingår i: Political Communication, ISSN 1058-4609, E-ISSN 1091-7675, Vol. 30, nr 3, s. 434-455Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Blogging is an increasingly important practice in election campaigns, showing interesting variations across contexts. Recent research has shown that the adoption and use of blogs is strongly shaped by national institutional settings, that is, the different roles given to parties within political systems. However, intra-national differences in the practice of political blogging are yet to be explained. This article investigates the variation in usage of blogs in electoral campaigns in Sweden, a country characterized by strong political parties and a party-centered form of representative democracy. The central argument is that different parties utilize blogging in different ways. Just as blogging is shaped by how institutions support persons or parties, we propose that political blogging is shaped by party affiliation and ideological positions on individualism and collectivism. The empirical analysis, based on a survey among over 600 bloggingpoliticians, confirms that ideological positions towards individualism and collectivism have a great impact on the uptake and usage of political blogs, portraying political blogging as a strongly ideologically situated practice of political communication.

  • 1552.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Left and right in the blogosphere: ideological differences in online campaigning2011Ingår i: Lecture Notes in Computer Science, ISSN 0302-9743, E-ISSN 1611-3349, Vol. 6847, s. 13-24Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the usage of blogs in electoral campaigns in Sweden, a country characterized by strong political parties and a party centered form of representative democracy. The central argument is that blogs are utilized in different ways by different parties. The empirical analysis based on a survey among over 600 blogging politicians indicates a vast difference in uptake and usage of blogs between the right- and left wing politicians. The results indicate that ideological positions towards individualism and collectivism matters for the practice of blogging.

  • 1553.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap. Department of Political Science.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap. Department of Political Science.
    The feminine style, the male influence, and the paradox of gendered political blogspace2016Ingår i: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 19, nr 11, s. 1636-1652Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores gender differences in politic al communication among blogging politicians. The article sets out to explore two ba seline questions: (1) Are distinct gendered ‘blogstyles’ to be found among political representa tives? and (2) How do gender and gendered blogstyles interplay and affect the impact of political blogs? The empirical study draws on a survey targeting blogging politicians in Sweden (N=523). The analysis identifies substantial differences in how female and male poli ticians communicate in the blogosphere as well as the outcomes in terms of feedback and impac t. Female politicians, to a greater degree than their male counterparts, utilize blogging for the purpose of fostering a stronger connection with their readers as well as to enquire about ideas and policy perspectives. This strategy seems to be successful for fostering quali tative feedback from readers yet female bloggers have far less impact than their male colle ges. We discuss two potential understandings of these results; relating to gender stereotypes and the network power structure of the blogosphere.

  • 1554.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Trust in citizens and forms of political participation: The view of public managers2020Ingår i: Electronic Participation: 12th IFIP WG 8.5 International Conference, ePart 2020, Linköping, Sweden, August 31 – September 2, 2020 / [ed] Sara Hofmann, Csaba Csáki, Noella Edelmann, Thomas Lampoltshammer, Ulf Melin, Peter Parycek, Gerhard Schwabe, Efthimios Tambouris, Springer, 2020, Vol. 12220, s. 15-25Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Like all forms of collaborative governance, new forms of citizen participation include risk-taking and therefore depend on mutual trust between thecollaborating actors. While there is a huge body of research on citizens’ trust ingovernments, public officials’ trust in citizens has received very little scholarlyattention. In order to address this gap, this paper draws on a recent survey of arepresentative sample of public managers in local Swedish government(N=1430). Do public managers think that citizens are trustworthy? Does trust incitizens impact which forms of citizen participation public managers prefer?Even though public officials are more trusting than the general populous, weshow that not every public official do trust citizens. Furthermore, the results showpublic managers’ trust in citizens influences their attitudes towards new forms ofparticipation. Just as citizens’ political trust has a positive impact on some formsof participation, but not on others, managers’ trust in citizens matters more forsome forms of participation than others.

  • 1555.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Will e-Participation bring Critical Citizens Back in?2016Ingår i: 8th IFIP WG 8.5 International Conference, ePart 2016, Guimarães, Portugal, September 5-8, 2016, Proceedings, Springer, 2016, Vol. 9821, s. 83-93Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper sets out to critically examine the mobilizing potential of e-participation. The extent to which citizens beyond the usual suspects are engaged is studied by way of survey data from two novel e-participation case studies: one Swedish, one Finnish. Besides from the traditional socio-demographic variables, the analyses highlights cultural attitudes and ask: Do e-participation processes succeed in mobilizing citizens dissatisfied with the way democracy works? Can e-participation bring critical citizens back in? Certainly, the empirical analysis indicates critical citizens are clearly overrepresented in these two cases.

  • 1556.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Linde, Jonas
    Center for Comparative Politics, University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway.
    Pirannejad, Ali
    Department of Public Administration, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran.
    Understanding the rise of e-participation in non-democracies: domestic and international factors2012Ingår i: Government Information Quarterly, ISSN 0740-624X, E-ISSN 1872-9517, Vol. 29, nr 2, s. 142-150Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    While it has often been suggested that information and communication technologies (ICTs) provide an important means of increasing citizen participation (which is at the core of democratic government), few commentators have expected non-democracies to create online environments in which citizens can take an active part in political processes. In recent years, however, some non-democracies have begun to outperform countries with long-standing democratic traditions in terms of e-participation development. According to the 2010 United Nations (UN) e-government survey, Bahrain outranks France, Kazakhstan beats Sweden and Malaysia ranks higher than Germany. This article sets out to understand the recent rise of e-participation initiatives in non-democracies. Drawing on comparative longitudinal data from the UN e-government surveys, we tested the assertion that international drivers of change are competing with the dominant focus on domestic factors, especially in the non-democratic world, and are influencing the patterns of reform. The empirical analysis demonstrated important differences between the drivers of change in democratic and non-democratic countries and found economic globalization to be the strongest predictor of e-participation initiatives in non-democratic countries. In conclusion, we argue that economic globalization alters the context of e-participation and necessitates a re-examination of many of its premises and tenets.

  • 1557.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Montin, Stig
    Converging democracies: participation and representation via new ICTs2005Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1558.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Norén, Mikael
    Medborgarorienterade offentliga e-tjänster: innovation och lärande i örebroregionen2007Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1559.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Bringing inter-disciplinarity back in2006Ingår i: Democratic eGovernance: Approaches and research directions / [ed] Jan Olsson, Joachim Åström, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International , 2006, s. 201-216Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1560.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Internet voting in Sweden: hare or tortoise?2002Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1561.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Political science beyond orthodoxy2006Ingår i: Democratic eGovernance: approaches and research directions / [ed] Jan Olsson, Joachim Åström, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell international , 2006, s. 55-73Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1562.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Why regionalism in Sweden?2002Konferensbidrag (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1563.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Does Policy Influence Hollow Out Public Managers’ Political Neutrality?2022Ingår i: Administration & Society, ISSN 0095-3997, E-ISSN 1552-3039, Vol. 54, nr 6, s. 1019-1044Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    Consequences of public officials’ policy influence have been at the center of debates on political–administrative relations. Based on a survey of public managers in Swedish local government (N = 1,430), this study examines whether policy politics hollows out political neutrality. The analysis shows that although managers are highly involved in policy politics, attitudinal support for the neutrality principle is strong. The enquiry into behavioral intentions shows more variation. In relation to a set of dilemmas, most managers would defend neutral competence, but significant minorities would also act for more partisan reasons. However, we find no empirical evidence that policy influence undermines political neutrality.

  • 1564.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Ruoppila, Sampo
    University of Turku, Turku, Finland.
    Ertiö, Titiana
    University of Turku, Turku, Finland.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Thiel, Sarah-Kristin
    FTW Telecommunications Research Centre, Vienna, Austria.
    Potentials and challenges of a living lab approach in research on mobile participation2015Ingår i: UbiComp/ISWC'15 Adjunct: Adjunct Proceedings of the 2015 ACM International Joint Conference on Pervasive and Ubiquitous Computing and Proceedings of the 2015 ACM International Symposium on Wearable Computers / [ed] Kenji Mase, Marc Langheinrich & Daniel Gatica-Perez, New York, USA: Association for Computing Machinery (ACM), 2015, s. 795-800Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper discusses potentials and challenges of living lab approach in studying pervasive mobile participation, including reporting experiences of a living lab experiment currently conducted in Turku, Finland. It shows that the living lab approach offers both new opportunities and challenges when implemented in the urban governance context. In general, living labs hold great potential for researching participatory processes enabled by state-of-the-art technology in real world contexts. However, conducting experiments in those real life contexts presents a number of inherent difficulties that makes the potential essentially vulnerable, such as usability issues and political ambivalence on change.

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  • 1565.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Representativ demokrati 2.0: en utvärdering av Malmöinitiativet och Malmöpanelen2010Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1566.
    Åström, Linda A.
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Gatekeepers of democracy?: a comparative study of elite support for democracy in Russia and the Baltic States2007Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This study deals with the consolidation of democracy in general and with political support for democracy, in particular. The theoretical reason for observing support for democracy rests on the assumption that this kind of support is a vital factor that will foster (or its absence will obstruct) the development of democracy in the countries analysed in this study, i.e. Russia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. A democratic regime cannot be sustained without legitimacy or popular and/or elite support. The aim of this study is to map and compare political support among local elites in five regions in Russia, using eight regions in the Baltic states as points of references. The major theoretical point of departure is David Easton's identification of three objects of support, namely, the political community, the regime and the authorities. The local elites (political, administrative, civil society, and economic) were surveyed in 1999 and 2000. The analyses show that the elites in Russia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania generally support the political community, the first object of support in the theoretical model. There are varying degrees of support among the elites for regime values and principles, norms and the regime structure, which constitute the second object of support. And finally, only the Estonian elites could be said to have some support for the authorities, the third object of support. The study also illustrates that support is a multidimensional phenomenon, and the respondents differentiate between diffuse and specific support.

  • 1567.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Europeiska partier: deras roll i demokratins tredje omvandling2006Ingår i: Om demoratins villkor: volym 1 / [ed] Mats Ekström et al., Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2006, 1, s. 93-115Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1568.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    EU:s framtida utvidgningar: möjligheter och dilemman2024Ingår i: Europaperspektiv 2024: Europeiska unionens djup och storlek i en tid av ofred / [ed] Björn Lundqvist; Anna Michalski; Lars Oxelheim, Stockholm: Santérus förlag , 2024Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1569.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Nationalization through Europeanization: The European People’s Party and its (potential) Sister Parties in Poland, Hungary and Czech Republic2008Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In 1989 the European People’s party (EPP) set the goal to represent Christian Democracy in the whole of Europe. This paper sets out to discuss three questions concerning this. A) What challenges and problems did the EPP have to confront? B) What strategies did they use to face these problems? C) To what degree has the EPP succeeded in reaching the goals? The study is done by following the EPP over time and how it has worked towards the new parties in Central and Eastern Europe with a special focus on Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. The data used for this is party documents, yearbooks and interviews. Both the aims and the strategies of the EPP caused internal disputes. The main question was whether size or ideology should guide the strategic decisions. The conclusions are that EPP was successful much thanks to its pragmatism to organization and ability to reach compromises internally.

  • 1570.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Högskolan Dalarna, Falun, Sweden.
    Recension av: Demokratiseringsprocesser: nya perspektiv och utmaningar2014Ingår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 116, nr 4, s. 513-517Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1571.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Recension av: The Handbook of Political Change in Eastern Europe2004Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, E-ISSN 1891-1773, nr 3, s. 402-406Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1572.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden.
    Recension av: The Putin Predicament: Problems of Legitimacy and Succession in Russia2022Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, Vol. 36, s. 130-132Artikel, recension (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [sv]

    Denna bok lyfter frågan om hur vilka planer som finns i Ryssland för tiden efter Putin som president. Huvudargumentet är att de strategier för att bygga politisk legitimitet nästan helt har fokuserats på Putin som Rysslands räddare och beskyddare. Därmed har också möjliga efterträdare svårt att bygga upp en egen plattform. Den nya konstitutionen som möjliggör för Putin att sitta kvar fram till 2036 visar att man inte har någon lösning på detta dilemma. Kvar finns en åldrande president och ett politiskt system som i övrigt hyser lågt förtroende hos befolkningen.

  • 1573.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    The African Union as Promoter of Democracy and Human Rights: a comparison with the European Union2010Ingår i: Altering politics: democracy from the legal, educational and social perspectives / [ed] Jan-Magnus Enelo-Jansson; Katarzyna Jezierska; Bernt Gustavsson, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2010Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
  • 1574.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap. Central European University, Budapest, Hungary.
    The Eastward Expansion of the European Liberal Party Family: The Relation between the European liberal Party Family and Liberal Parties in Central and Eastern Europe2008Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper I examine the liberal party family (ELDR) and its relations with the new liberal parties in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Through document studies and interviews, I have followed the ELDR activities in CEE during the first years after 1989. The focus is put on the incentives, strategies and problems which surround the contacts between the ELDR and the liberal parties in CEE. When it comes to incentives for establishing the contact there are both idealistic and strategic reasons. As for the liberal parties in CEE the reasons can vary between a survival strategy in a cruel electoral climate to tactical moves against sister parties at home. The problems for ELDR had much to do with choosing partner and coordinating all the liberal actors in the West that wanted to contribute. In the paper, I also discuss the importance of the historical factors and whether neofunctionalist logic can be used in the analysis of this process.

  • 1575.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden.
    The European Parliament and the Europe 2020 strategy: An arena for public debate or political entrepreneurship?2019Ingår i: Smart, sustainable and inclusive growth: political entrepreneurship for a prosperous Europe / [ed] Charlie Karlsson; Daniel Silander; Brigitte Pircher, Cheltenhem: Edward Elgar Publishing , 2019, s. 75-92Kapitel i bok, del av antologi (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the European Parliament in the light of agenda Europe 2020 with a specific focus on the transnational party groups. It starts with clarifying the legal and institutional framework for Europe 2020 and to what degree the European Parliament is involved in the agenda-setting stage, actual creation, decision process and implementation process. Thus, what have been the openings and possibilities for political entrepreneurship of the party groups and of individual members of Parliament? Secondly, it identifies the main issues around Europe 2020 which have been up for debate in the European Parliament. The main interest here lies in whether the conflicts concerns transnational ideological issues (like economic issues between Left and Right or between growth and sustainability) or domestic interests. Thirdly, it identifies examples of political entrepreneurship strategies among the party groups and their individual members. It is important to remember that the European party families are present in each EU-institution. Consequently, there is room for informal influence may on fellow party sympathisers in other key EU institutions like the Commission or the Council.

  • 1576.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University College, Falun, Sweden.
    The influence of EU membership on Sweden’s political parties and party system: a preliminary research design2015Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this paper is to sketch a theoretical and methodological framework for analysing the influence of EU-membership on the political parties and party system of Sweden. The main point of departure is the theoretical framework for the Europeanization of national political parties developed by Robert Ladrech (2002). Although Peter Mair (2000) has depicted parties and party systems as relatively unaffected by European integration, Ladrech identifies several aspects where direct as well as indirect influence may take place: 1) policy/programmatic content, 2) organisation, 3) patterns of party competition, 4) party-government relations and 5) relations beyond the national party system. Consequently, the aim is more concretely to discuss the feasibility of a larger study of the Swedish parties (and party system) departing from Ladrech’s five dimensions. In a broader perspective, the ambition is to discuss the degree of which the Swedish party landscape has been affected by the EU-membership. Or in short: in which of Ladrech’s five dimensions can we identify a pattern of Europeanization?

  • 1577.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    The New Institutionalisms and Europarties2008Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper attempts to apply the three so called new institutionalist schools on European transnational party organizations (Europarties); rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism and historical institutionalism. Two questions are guiding the discussion. The first is whether institutionalist approaches can deepen our understanding of Europarties. The second question is which one of the three schools of new institutionalism can best contribute to the discussion of Europarties. The paper departs from how each institutionalist school has been applied to the analysis of the EU and endeavors thereafter to apply those experiences on the Europarties. The conclusion is that institutionalist perspectives can indeed enrich our understanding of Europarties. When it comes to which one of the schools that is most appropriate, the conclusion is that they each contribute in their own way.

  • 1578.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden.
    The role of Europarties in Ukraine: the invisible EU membership facilitator?2023Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    This text focuses the cooperation between Europarties and domestic political parties in Ukraine and the aim is to assess the main opportunities and challenges for the Europarties to play a role in Ukraine’s democratic development and its EU-membership aspirations. It first examines the political landscape in Ukraine and the challenges for the Europarties in finding partners in a context of unstable and ‘non-ideological’ political parties. It then considers the incentives for transnational party cooperation among both Europarties and the Ukrainian parties, which are of both instrumental and ideational character. Then it presents an analysis of the historical evolution of the transnational party cooperation. It concludes that the Europarties have so far not had any significant effects on the characteristics of Ukraine’s party system. This can be explained by the competition among Europarties, which has led to a softening of membership criteria. But the Europarties have found an important role in supporting Ukraine’s EU-integration process. With their long experience and wide network among high-level contacts within the EU, the Europarties can help Ukraine in making the necessary reforms and act as an ambassador for Ukraine’s EU-membership aspirations.

  • 1579.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    The Eastward Enlargement of European Parties: Party Adaptation in the Light of EU-enlargement2013Doktorsavhandling, monografi (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of the study is to map out and analyse the integration of political parties from Central and Eastern Europe into the main European party families. The prospect of eastern enlargement of the EU implicated opportunities and above all challenges for the West European party families. The challenges consisted of integrating new parties with a different historical legacy. The study focuses on mainly how the European party families handled these challenges and what motives that have driven them in this engagement. At a more general level the thesis sketches two alternatives interpretations of the process: Western neo-colonialism and contribution to democratisation. The method used for the study is comparative case-study method and the main sources that have been utilised are party documents and in-depth interviews. The study is delimited to the three main European party families: the Christian democrats, the social democrats and the liberals. The countries of interest in Central and Eastern Europe are those postcommunist countries that became EU-members in 2004 and 2007: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia. The time-frame is limited to the first party contacts in 1989 to the final inclusion of the new parties in 2000-2006.

    The results suggest that the European parties have responded with ambitious means to the challenge of integrating new parties from a postcommunist context. They have set up new coordinating bodies and organised educational programmes for the applicant parties, mainly directed to young politicians. The Christian democrats and the social democrats have also used parallel organisations as buffer-zones, which provided certain flexibility. As for motives, the Christian democrats stand out as the party family with the clearest power-oriented motives. At the other end, the liberals stand out as the party family that is most steered by ideology and identity. The social democrats went through a change with ideological considerations dominating the early phase and became increasingly poweroriented as the EU enlargement drew closer. When it comes to the two alternative interpretations of this process, the main conclusion is that they are intertwined and more or less impossible to separate from each other.

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  • 1580.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Dalarna University College, Falun, Sweden.
    Towards Ideological East-West convergence? European party families 1990-20132014Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper assesses possible East/West ideological convergence among three European party families: The Christian Democratic EPP, the Social Democratic PES and the Liberal ALDE. The analysis departs from elections manifesto data from 1990 to 2013. The aim is to provide an overview on possible trends of convergence and the method is based on mean value comparison. Left-Right position is first evaluated for all three party families and thereafter specific issues are selected for each party family. Finally, the relevance of party size is evaluated in relation to ideological convergence. The findings indicate that both the EPP and PES have elements of East/West convergence on the Left-Right positions. The ALDE on the other hand demonstrate a constant Left-Right consensus between its West-and East European member parties. However, on specific issues, the ALDE displays a weaker East-West consensus especially on the national issue. Both the EPP and the PES show elements of convergence in the issue specific analysis. The EPP displays an early East/West convergence on the EU-dimension and a somewhat later trend of convergence on the national issue. PES shows a surprisingly strong overtime East/West consensus on the welfare state while there is a post-2004 convergence when it comes to underprivileged minority groups. Moreover, the aim is to relate the findings to the theoretical framework for Europarty cooperation, developed by Poguntke and von dem Berge. The findings support the need to make a distinction between strong and weak parties as party size matter for ideological convergence. However, this is only verified in the first years. Furthermore, the model suggests that Europarty influence is a combination of pressure and socialisation, where socialisation dominates after 2004. Hence, it is possible to assume that the East/West convergence on patriotism for the EPP and for underprivileged minority groups for the PES is a result of socialisation processes. In the same way, the early convergence of the EPP on the EU-issue is an indication of Europarty pressure for change.

  • 1581.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Dalarna University, Falun, Sweden.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro University, Örebro, Sweden.
    East-West convergence or divergence? The (possible) influence of the European People’s Party on affiliated parties in Central and Eastern Europe 1990-20142018Konferensbidrag (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the (possible) ideological influence of Europarties on their member parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The specific focus of the study is the Christian democratic European People’s Party (EPP) and the main theoretical point of departure is the theoretical framework for Europarty cooperation, developed by Poguntke and von dem Berge. The analysis is based on elections manifesto data from 1990 to 2015. The aim is to provide an overview on possible trends of convergence (or divergence) between the Western and Eastern EPP-affiliated parties and to evaluatethe extent of influence that the EPP has exerted on Christian democratic and conservative parties in Central and Eastern Europe. The analysis is based on a mean-value comparison of the West European member parties and the affiliated parties from post-communist countries when it comes to Left-Right positions and issue specific positions. Furthermore the analysis is complemented with in-depth analysis of specific cases. Finally the relevance of party size is evaluated in relation to ideological convergence and Europarty influence.

  • 1582.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna, Falun, Sweden.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Ideologisk konvergens mellan öst och väst?: de europeiska partifamiljerna 1990-20132015Ingår i: Nordisk Østforum, ISSN 0801-7220, Vol. 29, nr 2, s. 167-189Artikel i tidskrift (Refereegranskat)
    Abstract [en]

    In this paper we compare ideological positions of political parties in Eastern and Western Europe. As the Communist regimes collapsed and new democracies began to emerge in Eastern Europe, it became obvious that historical and cultural differences existed in relation to Western Europe. This was not least visible among the political parties. When the West European parties initiated contacts with potential sister parties in the East, noticeable differences were revealed in several issues. In general, the eastern parties appeared to be more nationalist, more populist and less tolerant towards minorities than their Western sister parties. The question raised in this paper is whether these differences, have faded or not during the 25-year period after 1989. In order to perform this analysis, the three largest and most influential party families are selected: the Christian Democratic EPP, the Social Democratic PES and the Liberal ALDE. Departing from election manifesto data compiled by the Comparative Manifesto Project, we have performed a time series analysis ranging from 1990 to 2013. Here, the Eastern parties are compared to their Western sister parties within each party family. Firstly, they are compared along the general left-right dimension, and secondly they are compared in specific issues, which have been conceived as delicate matter: the view on the EU, nationalism and view on multiculturalism.

  • 1583.
    Öhlén, Mats
    et al.
    Högskolan Dalarna.
    Vesterholm, Angelica
    Högskolan Dalarna.
    Regional samordning: Nyckeln till en bättre integrationspolitik? En utvärderande fallstudie av överenskommelsen Vägen in i Dalarna2021Rapport (Övrigt vetenskapligt)
  • 1584.
    Östgren Gustafson, Daniel
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Förtroendeklyftan: politiskt deltagande och förtroende i Europa och Sverige2007Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to study causes for the lack of political trust in Europe and especially in Sweden. The essay starts with a presentation of two theories about the reasons for low political trust. Robert D. Putnam among others presents a theory that gives social capital an important role when viewing the low political trust. As Putnam sees it a person that participates in any kind of organization, political or not, develop trust for other human beings that in the long run affects political trust. Pippa Norris on the other hand is convinced that political trust is connected to the performance of political institutions. She claims that for example corruption is strongly relates to political trust. The citizens of a country in which corruption is common will not trust politicians as much as the citizens in a nation where corruption is lower. In this essay, I present the current levels of trust in politicians and parliament in the countries that participate in the cross-national public opinion survey European social Survey (ESS). The investigation shows that Denmark, Finland and Switzerland have got the highest levels of political trust and that Poland, Czech Republic and Portugal have got the lowest. My analysis shows that neither gender nor age makes any difference in political trust. The comparison between political trust and participation leads to the conclusion that citizens that participate in politics have more political trust irrespective of which kind of organization they participate in. I also compare political trust and a corruption index. That comparison shows that a high level of corruption is related to a lowlevel of political trust.

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  • 1585.
    Östlund, Camilla
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Klimatfrågan i dagspressen: En analys av den bild svenska dagstidningar förmedlar genom sina ledarartiklar när det gäller klimatförändringarna2005Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Climate Change in the Daily Press

    An Analysis of the Representation Swedish Daily Papers Convey Through Their Editorials About the Climate Change

    The purpose of this essay is partly to present how swedish daily papers describe the climate change through their editorials and partly to examine if their politcal affiliation effect their point of view about the climate change. The search incluedes editorials from 6 daily papers (Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Göteborgstidningen, Nerikes Allehanda and Svenska Dagbladet) from the year 1997 to the year 2003. Three discourses and the order between them, found by a former analysis (Adger and others, 2001) of the international politics of climate change, are used as types of ideal in a form of an analysis of idea.

    The analysis reveals that the swedish daily papers don’t give the problem any major attention. Only a total of 65 editorials about the climate change could be found even though the papers produces several thousands during the period. Most attention occurs at the years 2000 and 2001, both are years of conflicts and demands on taking up a stand in important questions. Further the analysis shows that the representation of climate change in the editorials is being in accordance with the three discourses, and it also reproduce the order between them. The majority of the daily papers, 3 papers, dominates by the manegerial discourse, the challenger, the profligacy discourse, dominate 2 papers and the denial discourse dominate only 1 paper.

    When it comes to the political aspect the konservative paper is, as presumed, the one and only that dominates by the denial discourse and the social democratic paper dominates by the profligacy discourse, also as presumed. However, the liberal papers do not confirm the presumption of them all being dominated by the manegerial discourse. Three of them are, but one is dominated by the profligacy discourse. The reason is presumably the difference between traditional liberalism and neoliberalism.

    Keyword: climate change, discourse, daily press, editorial, Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Göteborgstidningen, Nerikes Allehanda, Svenska Dagbladet, the manegerial discourse, the profligacy discourse, the denial discourse.

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  • 1586.
    Östlund, Camilla
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Medborgardialog i Rasbobygden: En fallstudie i Uppsala kommun2006Självständigt arbete på avancerad nivå (magisterexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Citizendialogue in the District of Rasbo

    A Case Study in the Municipality of Uppsala

    Author: Camilla Östlund

    Supervisor: Stig Montin

    The essay is written inside the scope of Örebro Universitys evaluation of the new organisation in the municipality of Uppsala.

    The purpose of this essay is to study the citizendialogue in the district of Rasbo. This will be done partly by an examination of how the participants themselves

    perceive citizendialogue. Their descriptions are put in relation to deliberative democracy and its critics amongst other. Partly by study how those involved have choosen to put it into practice. The opponents of the reorganization chose to start a non-profit association, Rasbo in co-operation, to carry on local mobilization and it will be compared with other similar groups. The municipality of Uppsala arranged a citizens forum in the district of Rasbo and the essay will examine how the participants experienced it.

    The study is based upon a total of 19 semistructured interviews with politicians and officials in the municipality of Uppsala and also working members of Rasbo in co-operation.

    The overall result of the analysis is that the politicians and the officials as well as the members of the association support the form of actions that endorse the representative system and look att citizendialogue as a tool to regenerate it and make it better. Rasbo in co-operation has almost everything in common with similar groups including a contradictory view on politics. The association has the important requirements for local mobilization, dedicated people, a positive collective identity and a constructive relation to the municipality. The participants of the citizens forum liked the way the forum was arranged and enjoyed the evening. But there was some problem between the unicipality and the association in connection with the preliminaries before the event. There is also some deficiency in the follow-up.

    Keyword: local democracy, citizendialogue, deliberative democracy, local mobilization, citizens forum, Uppsala, Rasbo, Rasbokil, Stavby, Tuna.

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  • 1587.
    Östlund, Sofie
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    DELEGATIONSMAKT: En studie om delegationsordningar för byggnämnder i 20 kommuner2017Självständigt arbete på grundnivå (kandidatexamen), 10 poäng / 15 hpStudentuppsats (Examensarbete)
    Abstract [en]

    This Bachelors thesis will cover the subject of power distribution between civil servants and politicians. The aim is to empirically study who the power and influence belongs to in the delegation documentation. Delegation as a policy will be empirically studied to discover potential differences by the municipalities normative power-decision. The study will focus on the delegations’ documentations from 21 administrational boards of building regulations in Sweden.

    The research questions are: • To what degree do officials have the power to make decision through delegation in Swedish municipalities? •    How does delegation of authority impact the formation of legal certainty?

    The main method used is a quantitative content analysis and to make sure the study can dig deeper into its findings, a qualitative content analysis has been used in addition.

    The result of the study shows a pattern how power shifts from politicians to civil servants. The management model delegation will be observed hence thought the survey clearly will show how economy values like efficiency sometimes tend to be more important than democratic values as legal certainty.

  • 1588.
    Comes, Tina (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Maastricht University, Netherlands .
    Alexander, David (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    University College London, UK.
    Boin, Arjen (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Leiden University, the Netherlands.
    Eckert, Claudia (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Technical University of Munich, Germany.
    Elmqvist, Thomas (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Stockholm Resilience Center, Sweden.
    Fochesato, Mattia (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Bocconi University, Italy.
    Helbing, Dirk (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    ETH Zürich, Switzerland.
    Latusek-Jurczak, Dominika (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Kozminski University, Poland.
    Lauta, Kristian (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    University of Copenhagen, Denmark.
    Meriläinen, Eija (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap. University College London, UK.
    Nikkari, Simo (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Finnish Centre for Military Medicine, Finland.
    Papadimitratos, Panos (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    KTH, Stockholm, Sweden.
    Renn, Ortwin (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Institute for Advanced Sustainability Studies, Germany.
    Insua, David Ríos (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Institute of Mathematical Sciences, CSIC, Spain.
    Rizza, Caroline (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Institut Polytechnique de Paris, France.
    Zio, Enrico (Medarbetare/bidragsgivare, Upphovsman)
    Mines Paris-PSL, France; Politecnico di Milano, Italy.
    Strategic crisis management in the European Union2022Rapport (Övrig (populärvetenskap, debatt, mm))
    Abstract [en]

    The European Union is confronted with an increasing number of crises with growing complexity, causing suffering and other devastating consequences. Improving crisis management has become an essential issue for protecting and enhancing present and future wellbeing in the EU and globally.

    In response to this challenge, the Scientific Advice Mechanism to the European Commission – consisting of the Group of Chief Scientific Advisors and SAPEA – and the European Group on Ethics in Science and New Technologies are presenting policy recommendations to improve crisis management frameworks. 

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