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  • 251.
    Hellén, Tomas
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Berglund, Sten
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Aarebrot, Frank H.
    Universitetet i Bergen.
    The challenge of history in Eastern Europe1998Inngår i: The handbook of political change in Eastern Europe / [ed] Sten Berglund, Tomas Hellén, Frank H. Aarebrot, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 1998, 1, s. 13-54Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 252.
    Hill Cedergran, Oskar
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Aktörer och strukturer inom svenska statsvetenskap: En granskning av tre statsvetenskapliga bidrag till aktör - strukturdebatten2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to critically review three different contributions to the agency – structure debate from a political science perspective. My opinon is that the agency – structure debate is one of the main problems within the social science. The theories which I will examine are Lennart Berntsons theory from 1974, Lennart Lundquists from 1984 and Walter Carlsnaes from 1992. These political scientists all have different perspectives to the problem. My aim is to compare three theories that is of importance to the problem. But I also want to show that there are problems with each of these theories. No one really solves the problem. I want to shed some light on the different problems which these theories encounter and I also want to show were the solution to these problems might be found.

    It is obvious that the theories have a similar view on the actor (or agent). Each see the actor as both an individual and a collective, such as a party, state or an organisation. They also see the actor in a constant relation to the society. The two main differences between the theories is when it comes to defining the structures and when it comes to trying to connecting the actor with the structure. Berntson sees the connection as mainly classoriented and this provides valuable knowledge to the debate. However, compared to Berntson, Lundquists theory is more thoroughly worked out when it comes to providing knowledge to how agents are affected by structures. This, I would say, is the biggest advantage with Lundquists theory. Finally, Carlsnaes theory, compared to both Berntson and Lundquist, is the least developed one, at least when it comes to defining both the actor and the structure. Though, I still consider his theory of importance. This is because his contribution to the knowledge on how we might explain structural change.

  • 253.
    Hjärpe, Frida
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Ett decentraliserat samhälle? Miljöpartiets idéer om politisk och ekonomisk decentralisering2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 254.
    Husovic, Alma
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Globaliseringsdebatten och relationen mellan politik och vetenskap - en argumentationsanalys2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 255.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    From government to governance?: a comparison of environmental governing in Swedish forestry and transport2009Inngår i: Governance. An International Journal of Policy, Administration and Institutions, ISSN 0952-1895, E-ISSN 1468-0491, Vol. 22, nr 4, s. 647-672Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    From government to governance is a grand story line about the changing role of the state, which has had a great impact upon researchers and practitioners. This article is an empirical assessment of this story line. Three critical dimensions are elaborated into indicators of government and governance: governing styles and instruments, public–private relationships, and policy levels. These indicators are used to assess the role of the state in environmental governing using Swedish forestry and transport as examples. The results show that the story line is too simple; the role of the state is not changing in a unidirectional way. Instead, the comparison shows that environmental governing within the two policy areas is characterized by both government and governance modes of governing, thus questioning the usefulness of the story line as a guideline when framing empirical studies or political decisions.

  • 256.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Governing towards sustainability: environmental governance and policy change in Swedish forestry and transport2010Doktoravhandling, med artikler (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Faced with environmental problems such as climate change and biodiversity loss, the dominant political response has been sustainable development, balancing environmental protection against economic prosperity and social justice. While political action is increasingly being called for, the role and capacity of the state is questioned – as captured neatly in the story from government to governance that implies a relocation of authority and power between policy levels and in public-private relations, as well as a radical restructuring within public administration. Taking its conceptual point of departure in theories of sustainable development, govern­ance, and policy change, this thesis assesses, explains, and theorises about recent developments of environmental governing within Swedish forestry and transport, two areas with high environmental impact and that involve strong eco­nomic val­ues and interests. The findings are presented in four articles that have all been published in leading academic journals. The thesis concludes that public policy has changed within both policy areas as environmental objectives and new modes of governing have been adopted – a development that can be characterised as governing towards sustainability. However, the storyline from government to governance is too simple to capture these changes. The state remains important in several ways (actor, arena, institutional structure, form of authority) and influ­ences society through a variety of modes of governing. Thus, governance and government remain relevant. To explain policy change we need to recognise mul­tiple barriers to and enablers of change as well as having a contextual under­standing of the policy area in focus. The thesis concludes by arguing that sustain­able development needs to be politicised in terms of visible political action and open political contestation between differing visions of a sustainable society.

    Delarbeid
    1. Contextualising the advocacy coalition framework: theorising change in Swedish forest policy
    Åpne denne publikasjonen i ny fane eller vindu >>Contextualising the advocacy coalition framework: theorising change in Swedish forest policy
    2008 (engelsk)Inngår i: Environmental Politics, ISSN 0964-4016, E-ISSN 1743-8934, Vol. 17, nr 5, s. 730-748Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert) Published
    Abstract [en]

    The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is assessed and elaborated by applying it to the Swedish forestry policy subsystem, a dynamic subsystem in which environmental interests have challenged a dominating production coalition. Forest policy has changed as new ecological values and modes of governing have been introduced through an incremental, pragmatic learning process mediated by a pre-established partnership culture. This policy change is not satisfactorily explained by conventional ACF mechanisms (shocks and brokered learning). Policy change may be better understood if the ACF is nuanced and contextualised by recognising that the learning process has evolved over a long time within the ideological-discursive context of ecological modernisation, and that the forest sector has been under constant pressure due to its strong dependence on world markets.

    sted, utgiver, år, opplag, sider
    London: Routledge, 2008
    HSV kategori
    Forskningsprogram
    Statskunskap
    Identifikatorer
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-3321 (URN)10.1080/09644010802421471 (DOI)000260572000003 ()2-s2.0-55949085792 (Scopus ID)
    Tilgjengelig fra: 2008-12-01 Laget: 2008-12-01 Sist oppdatert: 2018-01-13bibliografisk kontrollert
    2. Greening transport: explaining urban transport policy change
    Åpne denne publikasjonen i ny fane eller vindu >>Greening transport: explaining urban transport policy change
    2009 (engelsk)Inngår i: Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning, ISSN 1523-908X, E-ISSN 1522-7200, Vol. 11, nr 3, s. 243-261Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Transport policy has proven highly resistant to change despite growing environmental problems. However, in the Swedish city of Örebro, objectives and policy measures in support of ecological sustainability have successfully been introduced in urban transport policies adopted by the local government. This article explains how this 'greening' became possible. Three variables of change proved highly important to understand policy change in this case: (i) new policy ideas of sustainable transport, (ii) reorganization of the local administration and (iii) the pressure of green policy entrepreneurs. A common denominator behind all these changes was the reformation of urban transport into a political issue through discursive changes and an active involvement by elected politicians, that is, politicization. The continuing importance of politics in contemporary policy processes as complex as transport is an important lesson from this case, that is, politics still matters.

    sted, utgiver, år, opplag, sider
    London: Routledge, 2009
    Emneord
    Sustainable transport, policy change, governance, environmental governing, urban planning, politicization
    HSV kategori
    Forskningsprogram
    Statskunskap
    Identifikatorer
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-7725 (URN)10.1080/15239080903056417 (DOI)000270423700006 ()2-s2.0-70349970736 (Scopus ID)
    Tilgjengelig fra: 2009-08-25 Laget: 2009-08-25 Sist oppdatert: 2018-01-13bibliografisk kontrollert
    3. Governing without government?: the private governance of forest certification in Sweden
    Åpne denne publikasjonen i ny fane eller vindu >>Governing without government?: the private governance of forest certification in Sweden
    2009 (engelsk)Inngår i: Public Administration, ISSN 0033-3298, E-ISSN 1467-9299, Vol. 87, nr 2, s. 312-326Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert) Published
    Abstract [en]

    The role and capacity of the state are changing. Some researchers argue that the state is transforming, strategically adapting to new circumstances, while others see a development of governing arrangements that are autonomous from the state, governing ‘without’ government. This article assesses the governing without government thesis through the case of forest certification introduced in Sweden in the late 1990s. This is a case of private governance, the governing capacity of which is based on voluntary self-regulation rather than government authority, seemingly a prime example of governing without government. The results show that government nonetheless is involved with forest certification through governance-oriented modes of governing: enabling and influencing the arrangements. Thus, what appeared to be a prime example of governing ‘without’ government is better understood as governing ‘with’ government.

    sted, utgiver, år, opplag, sider
    Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009
    HSV kategori
    Forskningsprogram
    Statskunskap
    Identifikatorer
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-7724 (URN)10.1111/j.1467-9299.2009.01750.x (DOI)000266339800009 ()2-s2.0-66349086102 (Scopus ID)
    Tilgjengelig fra: 2009-08-25 Laget: 2009-08-25 Sist oppdatert: 2018-01-13bibliografisk kontrollert
    4. From government to governance?: a comparison of environmental governing in Swedish forestry and transport
    Åpne denne publikasjonen i ny fane eller vindu >>From government to governance?: a comparison of environmental governing in Swedish forestry and transport
    2009 (engelsk)Inngår i: Governance. An International Journal of Policy, Administration and Institutions, ISSN 0952-1895, E-ISSN 1468-0491, Vol. 22, nr 4, s. 647-672Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert) Published
    Abstract [en]

    From government to governance is a grand story line about the changing role of the state, which has had a great impact upon researchers and practitioners. This article is an empirical assessment of this story line. Three critical dimensions are elaborated into indicators of government and governance: governing styles and instruments, public–private relationships, and policy levels. These indicators are used to assess the role of the state in environmental governing using Swedish forestry and transport as examples. The results show that the story line is too simple; the role of the state is not changing in a unidirectional way. Instead, the comparison shows that environmental governing within the two policy areas is characterized by both government and governance modes of governing, thus questioning the usefulness of the story line as a guideline when framing empirical studies or political decisions.

    sted, utgiver, år, opplag, sider
    Wiley-Blackwell, 2009
    HSV kategori
    Forskningsprogram
    Statskunskap
    Identifikatorer
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-8046 (URN)10.1111/j.1468-0491.2009.01457.x (DOI)000270151200006 ()2-s2.0-70349423543 (Scopus ID)
    Tilgjengelig fra: 2009-10-01 Laget: 2009-10-01 Sist oppdatert: 2018-01-13bibliografisk kontrollert
  • 257.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Governing without government?: the private governance of forest certification in Sweden2009Inngår i: Public Administration, ISSN 0033-3298, E-ISSN 1467-9299, Vol. 87, nr 2, s. 312-326Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The role and capacity of the state are changing. Some researchers argue that the state is transforming, strategically adapting to new circumstances, while others see a development of governing arrangements that are autonomous from the state, governing ‘without’ government. This article assesses the governing without government thesis through the case of forest certification introduced in Sweden in the late 1990s. This is a case of private governance, the governing capacity of which is based on voluntary self-regulation rather than government authority, seemingly a prime example of governing without government. The results show that government nonetheless is involved with forest certification through governance-oriented modes of governing: enabling and influencing the arrangements. Thus, what appeared to be a prime example of governing ‘without’ government is better understood as governing ‘with’ government.

  • 258.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Greening transport: explaining urban transport policy change2009Inngår i: Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning, ISSN 1523-908X, E-ISSN 1522-7200, Vol. 11, nr 3, s. 243-261Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Transport policy has proven highly resistant to change despite growing environmental problems. However, in the Swedish city of Örebro, objectives and policy measures in support of ecological sustainability have successfully been introduced in urban transport policies adopted by the local government. This article explains how this 'greening' became possible. Three variables of change proved highly important to understand policy change in this case: (i) new policy ideas of sustainable transport, (ii) reorganization of the local administration and (iii) the pressure of green policy entrepreneurs. A common denominator behind all these changes was the reformation of urban transport into a political issue through discursive changes and an active involvement by elected politicians, that is, politicization. The continuing importance of politics in contemporary policy processes as complex as transport is an important lesson from this case, that is, politics still matters.

  • 259.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Statslös samhällsstyrning?: governance i svensk skogspolitik2009Inngår i: Governance på svenska / [ed] Gun Hedlund, Stig Montin, Stockholm: Santérus Academic Press Sweden , 2009, s. 107-128Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 260.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Transnational environmental governance: the emergence and effects of the certification of forests and fisheries by Lars H. Gulbrandsen (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar)2011Inngår i: Environment and Planning. C, Government and Policy, ISSN 0263-774X, E-ISSN 1472-3425, Vol. 29, nr 3, s. 567-568Artikkel, omtale (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 261.
    Hysing, Erik
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Lidskog, Rolf
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap. Environmental Sociology Section.
    Policy Contestation over the Ecosystem Services Approach in Sweden2018Inngår i: Society & Natural Resources, ISSN 0894-1920, E-ISSN 1521-0723, Vol. 31, nr 4, s. 393-408Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Ecosystem services (ES) is an important approach to biodiversity protection in political rhetoric and policy practice, but it is also highly contested. This paper analyzes the introduction of ES in Swedish environmental policy and how it is contested by key stakeholders, and discusses its implications for biodiversity governance. The results show that although ES is widely accepted on an abstract and conceptual level, critical features and functions are highly contested. These primarily concern the valuation of nature, and the appropriateness of different policy instruments and institutional structures. The paper concludes that while the controversy surrounding ES fills an important role by reinvigorating debate and stimulating reflections on biodiversity loss, it also illustrates how ES is used to further particular values and beliefs and to challenge traditional biodiversity-protecting strategies. Understanding these policy controversies is central to addressing the challenges of transforming the promises of ES into practical policies. 

  • 262.
    Hysing, Erik
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Contextualising the advocacy coalition framework: theorising change in Swedish forest policy2008Inngår i: Environmental Politics, ISSN 0964-4016, E-ISSN 1743-8934, Vol. 17, nr 5, s. 730-748Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is assessed and elaborated by applying it to the Swedish forestry policy subsystem, a dynamic subsystem in which environmental interests have challenged a dominating production coalition. Forest policy has changed as new ecological values and modes of governing have been introduced through an incremental, pragmatic learning process mediated by a pre-established partnership culture. This policy change is not satisfactorily explained by conventional ACF mechanisms (shocks and brokered learning). Policy change may be better understood if the ACF is nuanced and contextualised by recognising that the learning process has evolved over a long time within the ideological-discursive context of ecological modernisation, and that the forest sector has been under constant pressure due to its strong dependence on world markets.

  • 263.
    Hysing, Erik
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Who greens the northern light?: green inside activists in local environmental governing in Sweden2011Inngår i: Environment and Planning. C, Government and Policy, ISSN 0263-774X, E-ISSN 1472-3425, Vol. 29, nr 4, s. 693-708Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    With this paper we aim to further our understanding of local environmental governing by analysing green inside activists who use expert-based authority, networks, and a professional position within public administration to green government policy and action from the inside. Using new survey data, we identify and analyse who these actors are and whether they matter for local environmental governing in Sweden. The results show that green inside activists operate within 23% of the Swedish municipalities and that these municipalities score higher on three different measurements of environmental governing performance, which supports the conclusion that green inside activists do make a difference. We also show that green inside activists differ from other public officials working with environmental issues in that they are more frequently involved in policy making, have more extensive horizontal and vertical networks, and promote societal changes to a greater degree. We end by raising key questions concerning the democratic legitimacy of these actors.

  • 264.
    Ibrahim, Ismaeel
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Irak: Mellan islamisk identitet och demokratisk process2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This is an essay about the political development of Iraq after the overthrow of the Baath regime by the coalition forces in 2003. Almost seven years later, the political scene is still characterised by chaos, even though the country entered a new phase with the adoption of democratic thinking and a new openness to the world. The unstable political situation is a product of inter-ethnic conflict and the interference by neighbouring countries. Iraq is up against two formidable tasks – building democracy and building a nation. The essay sets out to explore the prospects of this dual mission.

    The essay breaks down into three distinct, theoretically motivated parts or sections. The first part is inspired by O’Donnell & Schmitter’s transition theory and revolves around Iraq’s transition from dictatorship to democracy. The second part sets out to evaluate the development of democracy in Iraq after Saddam Hussein in the light of the seven institutional criteria of polyarchies as identified by Robert Dahl. The third part evaluates Iraq in terms of Arendt Lijphart’s groundbreaking theory about consensus as a pre-condition for democracy in highly divided societies.

    The investigation confirms the general picture of the political situation in Iraq as unstable but with one notable exception – the Kurdish region. The constitution testifies to the ambition to turn Iraq into a polyarchy with strong elements of consensual democracy, but the spirit of the constitution is frequently violated by government institutions and individual politicians. The consensual features have in fact served as safety valve for the ethnic and religious minorities of Iraq; but it is an open question whether they will survive the onslaught by Prime Minister Al-Maliki, a recent convert to the Westminster model. The unclear relationship between Islam and democracy also looms large in the background in a country like Iraq and must somehow be resolved by the governing elite.

  • 265.
    Idebro, Jenny
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Snabb etablering av nyanlända invandrare?: En policyanalys av introduktionsarbetet i Nora och Lindesberg2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 266.
    Ilia, Wesam
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Islam och Demokrati: Två olika idè och tanketraditioner?2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this paper is to study the subject Islam and Democracy and see what

    commonalities exist between the two ideas and traditions of thoughts. The subject is topical

    and often highlighted by the media in the West. The Islamic voices that we hear today is

    certainly not democratic, given the violence and hatred carried out by Islamic extremists

    against the West. The investigation of this paper have shown a different direction when there

    are other voices such as those investigated reformist thinkers who argue that Islam has many

    democratic elements, and even that Islam is more suitable than democracy. According to the

    reformists is

    model of an Islamic state is democratic and legitimate. The research is based on a

    comprehensive overview of Islam, Sharia Law, the development of political Islam and the

    reformers

    by the reformers and advocates for the theoretical point of democracy

    many democratic elements exist in the reformers islamic modell

    and traditions of thought. 

    the sovereignity of god more suitable than sovereignty of the people. Governancevision of an Islamic state. The conclusion shows a comparison between the Islamic modeland the result shows that. Democracy works with different ideass such as socialism, liberalism, conservatism, etc., so why should it

    not be possible to reconcile Islam and democracy?

  • 267.
    Isaksson, Maria
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Nya Moderaterna: från bromsarparti till statsbärande parti?2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 268.
    Isaksson, Pär
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Den aggregativa demokratin: Hur Jürgen Habermas, John Dryzek och Stephen Elstub använder termen liberal demokrati2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 20 poäng / 30 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    “Liberal Democracy” is a common term in political theory, and it is used as if it had a commonly accepted referent, with both normative and descriptive content. This is certainly the case in democratic theory, where it on the one hand seems to refer to a normative democratic model; on the other hand it is used descriptively, to refer to real-life democracies. The deliberative democratic sub-field is not an exception; on the contrary, the term is frequently used albeit rarely defined; yet the concept it refers to is supposedly developed enough to allow detailed propositions about its citizens’s political behaviour.

    This essay is an attempt to analyze how Liberal Democracy is used by three deliberative democrats (Jürgen Habermas, John Dryzek and Stephen Elstub), in order to understand the democratic model (or models), whether normative or descriptive, they refer to. It is an analysis of how the term is used in some of the authors’ texts, what it denotes and connotes. This is done against the backdrop of their respective deliberative theories; Habermas, Dryzek and Elstub were chosen qua Deliberative Democratic theorists, not just democratic theorists.

    Habermas’s usage of Liberal Democracy is inconsistent. On the one hand it is a rather “open” democracy (i.e., more Dahl than Madison) dependent on active citizens in the public sphere; on the other hand it is a rights-based society where the market forum serves as an imperative, where isolated individuals make political choices as if they where choices at the market forum and even the social interactions are market-structured. My conclusion is that the latter model takes precedence.

    The following chapter analyzes John Dryzek’s usage of the term. The democratic model Dryzek calls Liberal Democracy shares some similarities with Habermas’s model – the market forum serves as a model for the citizens’ political behaviour. Following Horkheimer and Adorno, Dryzek connects Liberal Democracy to an instrumental rationality considered to be repressive. The instrumental rationality (and the behaviour it creates) leads to a political strait jacket – the citizens’ preferences get reduced to their interests, and politics is nothing but a battle of the interests. Dryzek’s usage of the term is more consistent than Habermas’s.

    For Stephen Elstub, upholding autonomy is the telos of democracy, irrespective of model. In his discussions of liberal democracy he equates liberal theory (J.S. Mill and John Locke) with liberal democratic theory, and sees the real-life democracies as realizations of the theory. Elstub's discussions of liberal democracy focus primarily on the demos, citizens with endogenous preferences. Contra Habermas and Dryzek, Elstub’s model lacks the behavioural model based on the market forum. An important inconsistency in Elstub’s model is the State’s capacity for institutional changes; the “representative structures” are incapable of the changes necessary to deal with social pluralism, but at the same time the Liberal Democratic system is flexible enough to accommodate his dualist model of democracy.

    The last chapter sums up the results and places the liberal democratic model in a taxonomy of democratic theories. I argue that in spite of the differences of the authors’ models, they are basically one and the same, normatively and descriptively. It is not primarily a model of democratic institutions – more than anything it is a conception of demos. The demos consist of citizens focused on their self-interest as a basis for their political actions. The democratic taxonomy used in the essay is fairly inclusive, but I conclude that Liberal Democracy does not fit in; it is not so much a theory of institutionalised democracy as a psychological theory.

  • 269.
    Isaksson, Pär
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Upplyst förståelse: Innebörden av ett av av Robert Dahls demokratikriterier2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 270.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Radical democracy redux: politics and subjectivity beyond Habermas and Mouffe2011Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis investigates two contemporary theories of radical democracy, Jürgen Habermas’s deliberative and Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic democracy. By bringing the two scholars together and constructing a debate between them, their respective strengths and weaknesses are highlighted and the similarities and differences are pointed out. Habermas and Mouffe are seldom dealt with simultaneously as they represent different theoretical traditions, critical theory and post-structuralism respectively. This thesis argues that we can learn from both of them.

    The aim of the thesis is to clarify and critically assess Chantal Mouffe’s and Jürgen Habermas’s versions of radical democracy, their disparate visions of democratic politics and subjectivity, in order to clear the ground for a third position that draws inspiration from both of them. The methodological inspiration comes from the deconstructive approach to interpretation, and thus the study aspires to a ‘just reading’ while being conscious of the elements of violence inherent to any instances of reading.

    The main bulk of the thesis is dedicated to an analysis of the two authors’ theories of democracy and subjectivity, which leads on to the third position situated beyond the two. From Habermas I take the stress on political communication and intersubjectivity, while both these concepts are extensively reformulated. The elements I reject from his position are the orientation to consensus and the strong requirements of coherence and transparency of the subject. From Mouffe I take the accent on the agonistic spirit of democracy, while setting aside the ontological status of antagonism. Her conception of split subjectivity is included, but supplemented with a more explicit theorization of the unity of the subject in the element of intersubjective meetings. The third position on radical democracy embraces the fundamental status of undecidability, which calls for an ethos of questioning.

  • 271.
    Johansson, Anders
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Offentlig kultur i omvandling?: Om prestationsfinansiering och konkurrensutsättning av offentlig serviceverksamhet2003Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to examine whether introducing organisational ideas, first used within the private trade and industry sector, in public affairs will have any effect on public culture. In focus for this study are financing by results and exposure to competition, which are standards institutionalised in the environment of the public organisations.

    A result of the study is that the adoption of the standards financing by results and expo-sure to competition to a greater extent was based on a logic of appropriateness than on a logic of consequentiality. These very standards were considered the most appropriate and the obvious solution irrespective of how the problem was formulated. One reason for this might be that many other organisations already had introduced these standards, or were considering doing so. The adoption therefore gave legitimacy.

    The adaptation of the standards to the organisation’s previously adapted standards resulted in increased uncertainty in the operational situation. As a consequence, the way in which the formulation of needs was viewed changed. The outcome of the adaptation can be described as a transformation. It thus differs from the kinds of outcome that are most often described within institutional organisation theory, namely coupling, rejection, decoupling and translation. Common to these is the assumption that the adaptation essentially only affects the actual adopted standards; that they will either be integrated into the organisation without problem or be rejected or remoulded until they fit in. Transformation on the other hand implies that it instead is those standards that already have been adapted that will be transformed. The standards strong enough to achieve this are specifically geared towards resource mobilisation.

    Transformation tends in turn to result in a shift of the organisation culture, from being more hierarchical towards being more egalitarian or individualistic, in certain cases drawing towards fatalistic. The public culture that is presented in the Swedish constitutional laws and specific legislation can be described as egalitarian. To the public administration this culture is manifested through an administrative mission – considering everyone’s equality before the law and observing objectivity as well as impartiality – and an administrative-ethical mission – producing community values as opposed to private ones. The citizens’ personal notions of their needs (the demand) must be balanced against socially acknowledged needs, i.e. needs for those utilities that we together in a political process have agreed to help providing each other with. These utilities should be allocated based solely on the level of need.

    A conclusion of the study is that the transformation process can lead to strategical priorities that challenge the public culture’s administrative-legal as well as administrative-ethical mission. However, if the values of the public culture are not fulfilled, the citizens’ confidence in public affairs might be undermined.

  • 272.
    JOHANSSON, JOHN
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    En (s)kola för alla? Socialdemokraterna, jämlikheten och brukarstyrelser.2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 273.
    Johansson, Linda
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Facket och de papperslösa arbetarna2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    In the beginning of 2002 a new kind of debate started inside the Swedish trade unions that also were published in the newspapers. The debate was about if the Swedish trade union

    should organize the undocumented workforce or not. In this thesis I will deal with this issue and also investigate what kind of solutions the trade unions in Sweden use on this new

    phenomenon, a phenomenon that recently have become a social and political problem during the last years. This is a new subject within political science and there is limited research made before. Because of that, this thesis will be empirical, inductive and exploring by its nature. The main question in this essay is “How do the Swedish trade unions think about organizing the undocumented workers and what do they believe that the union can do to make the undocumented workers circumstances easier?” In order to answer that I had to used four additional questions; which are the main trade unions in Sweden and which of them are in

    contact with the undocumented workers? Who are undocumented and what does it mean? Which are the trade unions standpoints and arguments in the organization question? What do the Trade unions believe that they can do to make the situation easier for them who are undocumented?

    Briefly are my conclusions that the trade unions in Sweden are divided about if they should organize or not. Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation is the only trade union that

    organizes the undocumented workers today but Fastighetsanställdas Förbund express that they want to do it too. In the latest month, a new cooperation have started between undocumented workers and the trade unions LO, TCO, Fastighetsanstaälldas, Hotell och

    Restaurang and SEKO. Perhaps this cooperation will make the situation at work and life a little bit easier for the undocumented.

  • 274.
    Johansson, Linus
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Bistånd och korruption: Hur hanteras korrupta regimer av biståndsgivare?2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Bachelor essay in political science by Linus Johansson, fall of 2006

    “Aid and corruption: How do aid donors handle the corrupt regimes?”.

    Supervisor: Jan Olsson.

    The purpose of this essay is to describe the aid relation between donors and corrupt

    governments, to find out whether donors reckon on the problems with implementation of aid

    to corrupt governments when they decree their aid policy. There are a lot of different ways to

    implement the economic aid that are being used by the donors today, and this essay will try to

    exemplify the different methods of implementing the economic aid. To elucidate the relation

    between donors and corrupt regimes, the essay analyzes three themes: the first two questions

    are about the policies used by the donors, and the third question are used to shed light on the

    actual implementation of aid to corrupt governments. The three themes are: i) Different aid

    policies used by the donors ii) Do donors use particular policies against corrupt regimes? iii)

    Do corrupt regimes receive less foreign aid? This study stresses the fact that donors do not

    act like a group unit in the matter of development assistance policy, instead they act in

    several separate groups, this may complicate the endeavour of making economic aid effective.

    The conclusion of the essay is that corrupt governments are treated the same way that lesscorrupted

    government are, nothing today indicates that donors would give less economic aid

    to the corrupt regimes. This is interesting considering that donors outwards maintain the

    importance of rewarding good institutions, that signifies that those who in practice does not

    attach great importance in this matter does not fulfil their own policies. It is an important

    issue because corruption seems to debilitate the effects of development assistance, but

    development assistance having problem of debilitate the corruption in the recipients’

    countries.

  • 275.
    Johansson, Linus
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Det svenska utvecklingsbiståndet: Enbart till de behövande?2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to review the Swedish international development cooperation carried out by Sida to control whether the implementation of the international aid is compatible with the policy. There are a lot of different ways to implement the economic aid that are being used by the donors today. The Swedish method has since the 1960s mainly been focused on attempting to diminish the poverty in the world. In the latest time another goal has been added, that is a focus on supporting the civil rights. This essay will be concentrated to aim on what kind of countries receiving aid from Sweden, and exactly why these countries are being chosen.

    The main question of this essay is: What countries are receiving the international developing aid, and how can this distribution be understood? To answer the main question there are two themes in the essay:

    • What kind of countries is supposed to receive developing aid from Sweden according to the policy?

    • What kind of countries is receiving the aid, and how can this be understood?

    This essay is mainly based on quantitative data obtained from Sida, together with index of corruption and poverty will the different types of Swedish cooperation countries be described.

    The conclusions of this essay are that there are two objectives of the policy: to fight poverty, and to strengthen the civil rights. What is noticeable in this essay is that it seems like there are more recipient of the aid from Sida that are relatively wealthy than there are poor. Still, it is obvious that the poor countries recieve a bigger amount of aid than the wealthy countries do. It is in other words difficult to declare which objective that is the superior one

  • 276.
    Johansson, Marcus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Exkludering av invandrare i stadspolitiken: makt och maktlöshet i Örebro 1980-20002002Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to analyse power structures and processes of exclusion between Swedes and immigrants in Örebro. The study applies a monopolistic approach to show that Swedes exclude immigrants to maintain a dominant power position. Exclusion is understood as a process resulting from asymmetric power relations. Digeser’s fourth face of foucauldian discursive power, Lukes’ third face of system power, Bachrach and Baratz’ second face of non decision-making, and Dahl’s first face of decision-making, are employed to elaborate four types of exclusion: the construction of discursive roles, the control of thoughts, the raising of barriers, and the control over decision-making.

    Three perspectives of policy analysis are applied to scrutinize the policy fields of labour market, housing and culture. 1) Structure analysis focuses on ethnic representation and participation. 2) Policy formulation analysis examines the content of formal policy documents and policy processes of key policy issues. 3) Discourse analysis deconstructs norms and the roles that are produced. The perspectives open up different insights when analysing power. Structure analysis focuses on potential power aspects, policy formulation analysis on relations in decision-making and agenda setting, and discourse analysis on power over thoughts and in the construction of political roles.

    The findings of this study indicate that immigrants are excluded by receiving different policy roles, e.g. ‘the unemployed’, ‘the segregated’, and ‘the culturally deviants’ (4th face). Immigrants’ unemployment is due to deficient knowledge in Swedish and their presence is ignored in issues related to city growth. Housing segregation is either portrayed as a class-dependent issue or as a process that pull immigrants to their own compatriots. The Swedish culture is hegemonic and other ethnic cultures are regarded as subordinate (3rd face). Exclusion occurs when Swedes raise barriers, though anticipation, mobilisation of Swedish bias and cooptation hinder or transform immigrant-related initiatives (2nd face). Finally, insufficient ethnic representation, lack of political support, and centralisation of the policy fields to the core of the urban political elite create patterns of powerlessness (1st face).

    The study shows that the opportunities for immigrants to participate in and influence urban politics dominated by Swedes are few and that immigrants continuously become excluded from the Swedish urban life.

  • 277.
    Johansson, Oskar
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Värden för demokratin eller demokrati för värden: En idéanalys av sambandet mellan begreppen folkvilja och värde i tre demokratiuppfattningar2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This essay examines a presupposed correlation between the way one look upon values and the way one look upon the will of the people in a theoretical democratic context. The more specific purpose is to test the following hypothesis: There is a reversed connection between the way one look upon values and the way one look upon the will of the people in a theoretical democratic context, that is; a strong claim of values give reason to a limited conception of the will of the people and a weak claim of values gives reason for a more unlimited conception of the will of the people.

    In order to test the hypothesis I examine three different conceptions of democracy, these are: pluralist democracy, deliberative democracy and constitutional democracy. I analyze the way they look upon values, there view of the will of the people and finally if there is a connection between the way they look upon values and the will of the people. Values should be understood in a metaethical context. In other words it is not values in the “common” meaning, instead its how val-ues in them selves should be understood, and even more relevant, what we mean when we ex-press values.

    My conclusions are, first and foremost, that there is a correlation between the will of the people and values, according to the formulation of the hypothesis. This leaves, for that specific issue, two alternatives; a weak conception of values with a strong conception of the will of the people, and, a strong conception of values with a weak conception of the will of the people. I also conclude that there are problems with both alternatives. A weak conception of values could result in moral diffi-culties, such as a majority oppresses a minority. And a strong conception of values could result in an excavation of democracy.

    As for the conceptions of democracy, I conclude that the pluralistic democracy has a relativistic view on values and an (more or less) unlimited conception of the will of the people. The delibera-tive democracy has a similar conception with a few exceptions. The constitutional democracy have a somewhat relativistic conception of values but with objectivistic elements, and hence a limited conception of the will of the people.

  • 278.
    Jonsson, Magnus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Democratic innovation and gradual institutional change: the case of better Reykjavik2014Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Democratic innovations have a tendency to be short-lived, and/or ad-hoc islands of participation with little or none formal connection to the policy and decision-making process. The participatory online platform for creating citizen initiatives Better Reykjavik (Betri Reykjavik) and the participatory online budget process Better Neighborhoods (Betri Hverfi) in Reykjavik, Iceland, are, however, two exceptions. The Better Reykjavik platform was born out of the financial and political crisis in 2008 by a non-profit grass-root organization and has since the local elections in 2010 been connected to the policy and decision-making process in City Hall.While research on democratic innovations is focusing on the institutionalization of participatory and deliberative practices, there exists few, or none, links to the existing frameworks in the tradition of ‘new institutionalism’. This study is departing from a comprehensive institutional framework focusing on the interrelationship between the characteristics of the political context, the characteristics of the political institutions and the dominant change-agents. By applying such a broad approach, the article aims to answers the questions on how the implementation of Better Reykjavik and Better Neighborhoods occurred, and how we can understand the implementation in relation to the institutional framework.This study is based on two rounds of interviews (N=8) with key stakeholders in both the Better Reykjavik and the Better Neighborhoods projects and secondary literature about Icelandic civic and party culture.The analysis shows that when the Icelandic political system was hit by an exogenous chock (the financial crisis), a ‘window of opportunity’ opened up. Due to the weak party institutions in Iceland and the contemporary ‘discourse’, the ‘dominant change actor’ (the political party the Best Party) could invoked a range of participatory tools that became implemented and (normatively) institutionalized.

  • 279.
    Jonsson, Magnus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Explaining deliberative participation in e-petition systems: the case of Malmö City2014Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    With the proliferation and application of democratic innovations around the world, the study of deliberative and participatory processes has got the opportunity to shift its main focus from artificial environments and experiments into study of the real life political processes. The implementation of e-petition systems in local governments in Sweden is one example of such institutionalized form of democratic innovations in action.Being essentially platforms for aggregation of opinions, the Malmö City e-petition platform also provide space for discussion among citizens. But what factors explains deliberative participation on the platform? This paper, based on survey data (N=1470) from users of the Malmö City e-petition system, provides insight into this question.In a comparison between the default option (aggregation of opinions by signing petitions) and the more demanding form of participation (deliberation on posted petitions) two major results is revealed. First, two factors (prior political activity and non-participation in political parties) explains the degree of both forms of participation. Secondly, and most importantly, four factors explains deliberative participation; gender (being a woman), political efficacy, political satisfaction and positive attitudes towards the use technology in political processes.The main conclusion that can be drawn from the analysis is, thus, that the barriers to aggregative participation in e-petition systems are low and is highly correlated to prior political participation, while the barriers to deliberative participation is higher and related to more individual features such as gender, efficacy, satisfaction and attitudes towards technology.

  • 280.
    Jonsson, Magnus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Introducing Democratic Innovations as a Response to the Crisis: The Deliberative Ecologies of the Estonian ’Citizens’ Assembly Process’2014Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    We live in an era of multiple crises, which provides an interesting venue for empirical analyses. While some governments tend to see greater participation and democratic innovation as an unnecessary luxury in times of crises, it is has instead become an absolute necessity for others.With the recent ‘systemic turn’ within deliberative research, scholars in the field are encouraged to broaden the perspectives of deliberative analysis by studying the deliberative system as a whole instead of individual institutions, practices and arenas. Contrary to the study of the particular, the systemic approach asses’ institutions, practices and arenas “according to how well they perform the functions necessary to promote the goals of the systems” (Mansbridge et al. 2012, p. 10).This paper will draw upon a qualitative case study of the ‘People’s Assembly’ in Estonia, which followed a political scandal involving a scheme of illegal party financing in the autumn of 2012. The latent distrust towards the political system in Estonia soon developed into a legitimacy crisis, characterized by anti-political sentiments and antagonism, which culminated in the pamphlet Harta 12 (Charter 12) and an online petition with more than 18,000 signatures. The process that followed introduced a number of state-of-the-art innovative solutions, including online crowdsourcing to collect policy proposals from citizens, and a modified version of a ‘Deliberation Day’ in which a random sample of citizens from the whole country was invited to participate.Departing from Mansbridge et al’s (2012) ‘systemic approach’, and adding some insights from the field of ‘democratic innovations’, this article analyses the different parts of the ‘Peoples Assembly Process’ from their epistemic, ethical, democratic and policy-making function, and how the individual parts relates to the deliberative system as a whole.The main conclusion of the article is that the ‘Citizens’ assembly process’ did indeed involve all the deliberative functions that a systemic approach sets up, and that the process thus must be considered to be a well-functioning deliberative process, although at an early developmental stage.

  • 281.
    Jonsson, Magnus E.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Democratic Innovations in Deliberative Systems: the Case of the Estonian Citizens’ Assembly Process2015Inngår i: Journal of Public Deliberation, ISSN 1937-2841, E-ISSN 1937-2841, Vol. 11, nr 1, artikkel-id 7Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    With the proliferation and application of democratic innovations around the world, the empirical study of deliberative and participatory processes has shifted from small-scale environments and experiments to real-life political processes on a large scale. With this shift, there is also a need to explore new theoretical approaches in order to understand current developments. Instead of analyzing democratic innovations in isolation, the recent ‘systemic turn’ in the field encourages us to broaden our perspective and evaluate democratic innovations as complementary parts of a political system.

    This paper will draw upon a qualitative case study, based on interview and supported by survey data, of the ‘Estonian Citizens’ Assembly Process’ (ECA), in order to operationalize the systemic approach to deliberative democracy and illustrate how this can be applied to an analysis of democratic innovations.

    The ECA spanned more than a year (November 2012 to April 2014) and covered three political arenas: the public sphere, democratic innovations and representative institutions. The systemic analysis highlights the deliberative strengths and weaknesses of arenas and institutions, and illuminates how various arenas and democratic innovations did and did not complement one another in the creation of a deliberative process. The systemic analysis offers two possible interpretations of the ECA. The more affirmative interpretation is it constituted a deliberative system, as it did perform the three main functions fulfilled by different arenas and institutions. The more critical interpretation is that the ECA partly failed to be a deliberative system, due to social domination and decoupling of institutions.

  • 282.
    JUTIAR CHALABI, Rebar
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Orsaken till att Kurdistan inte blivit en självständig nation2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 283.
    Jämte, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Radical anti-fascism in Scandinavia: Shifting frames in relation to the transformation of the far right2018Inngår i: Radical left movements in Europe / [ed] Wennerhag, Magnus; Fröhlich, Christian & Piotrowski, Grzegorz, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge , 2018, 1, s. 248-267Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent years, issues of migration, integration, racism, and ethnic discrimination have become increasingly salient and controversial in most European countries. The increased polarisation around these issues can partly be linked to a political development in which parties with an anti-immigration agenda have won public support and electoral success. Within and around these parties, intolerant sentiments flourish both in the form of negative attitudes towards people seen as “foreigners”, as well as more explicit forms of racism.

    In response to these developments, anti-fascists and anti-racists are mobilizing. Among these we find a radical flank consisting mainly of anarchists, autonomists, and other radical left-libertarian activists. This chapter examines the mobilizing activities and ideational development within this movement milieu in two Scandinavian countries, Sweden and Denmark. The chapter scrutinizes how the activists’ collective action frames and their repertoires of action have been affected by recent changes in political opportunity structures, especially the electoral success and political institutionalization of far-right political parties. The analysis is based on semi-structured interviews with activists as well as an in-depth analysis of movement documents such as magazines, leaflets, web pages, and books.

  • 284.
    Jämte, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Rasism och antirasism i Sverige: texter till Forum för Levande Historia2014Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 285.
    Jönsson, Henrik
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    En komparativ studie av de två etniska kampgrupperna UCK och LTTE2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 286.
    Kadirzada, Salam
    Örebro universitet.
    Kemalism och Kurdayeti: En jämförande analys av nationalistiska tendenser i Turkiet och Norra Kurdistan2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 287.
    Kamareh, Iman
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Internationella interventioner: Under tre tidsperioder2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 288.
    Karimi, Kezhan
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Förenta nationerna och Humanitära interventioner2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 289.
    Karlsson, Calle
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Samtalsdemokratins möjligheter och begränsningar: tre teorier2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 290.
    Karlsson, Hanne
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Samarbete och Utveckling: En studie över befolkningens politiska deltagande i Kambodja2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 291.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    De politiska illutionernas grav: en studie av den politiska debatten kring hedersrelaterat våld2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 292.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Exploring the relationship between participatory engineering and political representation: The case of local political representatives in Sweden2009Inngår i: the Nordic conference on municipalities (NORKOM  XVIII), Åbo 26-27 November 2009., 2009Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The health of political parties and representative democratic institutions have been extensively questioneddue to evidence of a widespread decline in voting turnouts, political trust, party membership and ‐ identification. Anoften proposed strategy to strengthen representative democracy is for political institutions to offer new forms ofpolitical participation, so called participatory engineering. This paper explores the possibility of participatoryengineering projects in local politics to influence more interactive modes of representation among local electedrepresentatives, by analyzing a survey of local political representatives in six Swedish municipalities. The study isbased on a comparative case selection made to include municipalities where the least and the most participatoryengineering projects have been carried out. The study reveals a complex relationship between participatoryengineering and political representation. Despite a tendency of more positive attitudes towards citizens’participation and more identification with interactive modes of representation, the attitudes of the representativeswith most experience of participatory engineering still, to a great extent, agree with a party centered role ofrepresentation where pursuing the party‐line is prioritized over citizen influence. The results can be understood asan illustration of the prevailing tradition of strong political parties in Sweden, and contribute to the understandingof the outcomes of projects of participatory engineering. This study suggests that the assumed relationship betweencivic engagement and democratic gods such as political interest, ‐knowledge, ‐efficacy, and participation must beinvestigated with reference to a possible hesitance among elected representatives to adapt citizen participation totheir style of representation.

  • 293.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Förtroendefulla kommunmedborgare: En fråga om lyckad demokratipolitik eller välmående kommuner?2009Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 294.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Kan medborgardialoger stärka den representativa demokratin?2011Inngår i: Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling: tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet / [ed] Ann-Sofie Hellberg, Martin Karlsson, Erik Lundberg & Monika Persson, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2011, 1, s. 113-124Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [sv]

    Öppen dialog mellan medborgare och politiker i viktiga samhällsfrågor är ett vida omslutet ideal i dagens svenska lokaldemokrati. Samtidigt menar kritikerna att det finns stora risker med kommunernas satsningar påpolitiskt deltagande och medborgardialog. På vilka grunder kan vi anta att medborgardeltagande och dialog kan stärka den representativa demokratin? Detta kapitel fokuseras på relationen mellan medborgardialoger och den representativa demokratins etablerade institutioner.

  • 295.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    What does it take to make online deliberation happen?: A comparative analysis of 28 online discussion forums2010Inngår i: Online deliberation: Fourth international conference, OD2010 / [ed] Fiorella De Cindio, Ann Machintosh, Cristian Peraboni, University of Leeds , 2010, s. 142-156Konferansepaper (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper investigates determinants of online deliberation by way of a comparative study of 28 online forums initiated by the EU-commission as a part on the 2009 European Citizens Consultations.  The cases analyzed in this paper share the same design (technological, as well as process), have the same connection to the policy process, were moderated in the same way, and implemented simultaneously. Still, great divergences are apparent in the level of deliberation occurring on the forums. Some of the forum discussions between participants were scarce and voting was the dominating form of participation, while on other forums discussionwas much more intense. The empirical analysis is conducted through a hypothetic deductive approach investigating four hypotheses about determinants of online deliberation grounded in prior studies and deliberative democratic theory. The analysis investigates the effects on the level of deliberation of: the number of participants, the diversity of opinion, the occurrence of a aggregative dynamic as well as the level of engagement among participants. The results of the analysis indicate that diversity of opinion on the forum and a high level of engagement among participants seem to have reinforcing effects on online deliberation while the number of participants and the aggregative dynamic on the forums seem unrelated to the level of deliberation. These results paint a picture of online deliberation as a more robust form of political participation than earlier studies have claimed. As a recommendation for practitioners of online deliberation, the results can be interpreted as saying: do not fear mass participation, controversial topics, or combining voting and deliberation. Instead, focus your attention on finding forms and issues that promote a high level of engagement and interest from participants.

  • 296.
    Karlsson, Martin
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Mot medlemslösa partier: partiföreträdare om orsaker, konsekvenser och strategier kring en svikande medlemskår2011Rapport (Annet (populærvitenskap, debatt, mm))
  • 297.
    Karlsson, Martin
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Sohl, Sofia
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Who comes strengthened out of public deliberation?: Analyzing changes in political efficacy among participants in a deliberative conference2010Inngår i: 3rd ECPR graduate conference, 2010, s. 1-35Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    This study reinvestigates the argument that public deliberation promotes political efficacy. We analyse the distribution of changes in level of political efficacy, among participants in a public deliberation project on the issue of European social and economic policy, The European Citizens Consultations (ECC). ECC was a pan-European project involving over 1600 citizens from all EU-member states that participated in 28 deliberative conferences. The analysis shows that while most participants remain more or less unaffected by participating in public deliberation, these processes have both winners and losers. Some participants come strengthened out of participating while others lessen their beliefs in their capacity for political engagement. Our explanatory analysis indicates that prior political efficacy is the strongest determinant of strengthening one’s level of political efficacy in relation to deliberation. Public deliberation does seem to equalize political efficacy among participants, as those participants who had low levels of political efficacy were uninterested and not knowledgeable about politics at the outset, were strengthened by the process to a greater degree. Within this broader pattern we also find that a positive perception of one’s own performance in the deliberation is increasing the positive changes

  • 298.
    Karlsson, Martin
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Åström, Joachim
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Social media and political communication: Innovation and normalisation in parallel2018Inngår i: Journal of Language and Politics, ISSN 1569-2159, E-ISSN 1569-9862, Vol. 17, nr 2, s. 305-323Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    As the Internet has come to play a greater role in politics, there has been a growing scholarly interest in how digital and social media are changing politics. The competition between the innovation and normalization hypotheses has been at the center of the debate. This article sets out to identify evidence of innovation and normalization in terms of how politicians communicate in- and the level of influence they are attaining within the political blogosphere. The analyses conducted show paradoxical results as we find that those groups of politicians who are utilizing political communication in the blogosphere in more innovative and progressive ways – mirroring the hopes and expectations about how social media might influence politicians and political communication – have weaker positions within the blog network compared to other politicians. 

  • 299.
    Karlsson, Martin
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Åström, Joachim
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Jonsson, Magnus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Did the Estonian Citizens’ assembly help restore political legitimacy?: Analyzing changes in vertical and horizontal trust among participants2014Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The Estonian Citizens’ Assembly (ECA) was initiated in late 2013 as a direct consequence ofa legitimacy crisis of Estonian political parties and representative institutions. The spark igniting this crisis was the unravelling of a scheme of illegal party financing. The response from the governmental institutions took the form of a democratic innovation drawing on public crowd sourcing and deliberative mini-publics. This study is conducted on the basis of a broad survey among the participants in the culminating deliberative process of the ECA (n=847). The focus of this paper is on the relationship between citizen participation and political trust. Two main research questions guides this paper: (1) How has participants vertical and horizontal trust developed in relation to their participation in the ECA?, and (2) What factors explain variations of change in trust among participants? While existing research questions whether citizens engagement in political participation functions as a source of trust, participatory processes alike the ECA are continually being initiated with the explicit aim of impeding  developments  of  growing  public  distrust  and  fostering  a  greater  trust  ingovernmental institutions.

  • 300.
    Karlsson, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Sverigedemokraternas ideologiska ståndpunkt: Högerpopulism på nationell och lokal nivå?2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
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