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  • 351.
    MOHAMAD, MOHAMAD
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Islamistiska partier.: En jämförelseanalys mellan AKP i Turkiet och MB i Egypten.2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 352.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Demokrati på entreprenad: en fallstudie av demokratiutveckling i Västerås kommun2006Inngår i: Kommunal ekonomi och politik, ISSN 1402-8700, Vol. 10, nr 4, s. 39-74Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [sv]

    Om stadsdelen Tillberga i Västerås och den ekonomiska föreningen Tillberga GrannskapsService, som både driver delar av den kommunala servicen på entreprenad och ska verka för närdemokrati och ett aktivt medborgarskap.

  • 353.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet.
    Den lokala politiken2008Inngår i: Mellan folkhem och Europa: svensk politik i brytningstid / [ed] Li Bennich-Björkman, Paula Blomqvist, Malmö: Liber , 2008, s. 193-215Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 354.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Forskarskolan i relationen mellan forskning och praktik/politik2011Inngår i: Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling: tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet / [ed] Ann-Sofie Hellberg, Martin Karlsson, Hannu Larsson, Erik Lundberg, Monika Persson, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2011, 1, s. 13-19Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 355.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Från servicedemokrati mot ett medskaparsamhälle?2006Inngår i: Kommunledning och samhällsutveckling / [ed] Leif Jonsson, Lund: Studentlitteratur, 2006, s. 147-168Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 356.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Klimatpolitiken och kommunerna2009Inngår i: Global uppvärmning och lokal politik / [ed] Ylva Uggla, Ingemar Elander, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2009, s. 15-41Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 357.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Kommunerna och klimatpolitiken: ett exempel på tredje generationens politikområden2007Inngår i: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 109, nr 1, s. 37-58Artikkel i tidsskrift (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Local government and climate protection policy – a case of the third generation policy fields. The aim of the overview article is to encircle a research field focusing the role of local government in the Swedish national climate protection policy. First, the policy area of climate protection is historically identified as a part of the third generation policy areas. Secondly, relating to contemporary governance literature some steering measurements are presented. There is thus an increasing steering complexity containing hierarchical, market-based and network based steering. Thirdly, the role of local government is discussed in terms of reasons for engaging or not engaging in climate protection work is discussed. Political, institutional, financial and professional aspects are considered important in order to explain variations in municipal climate protection activities. Finally some research questions are put forth, such as how municipal leaders are handling uncertainty, municipal leaders as network managers and local climate protection policy-making and implementation from perspectives of learning and democracy.

  • 358.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Mobilizing for participatory democracy?: The case of democracy policy in Sweden2007Inngår i: Participatory democracy and political participation: can participatory engineering bring citizens back in? / [ed] Thomas Zittel, Dieter Fuchs, London: Routledge , 2007, s. 187-201Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 359.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Moderna kommuner2007 (oppl. 3)Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 360.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Politisk styrning och demokrati i kommunerna: åtta dilemman i ett historiskt ljus2006Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 361.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    The Swedish model: many actors and a few strong leaders2005Inngår i: Transforming poliltical leadership in local government / [ed] Rikke Berg, Nirmala Rao, Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan , 2005, s. 116-130Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 362.
    Montin, Stig
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Hansén, Camilla
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Lennqvist Lindén, Ann-Sofie
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Olsson, Jan
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Åborg, Carl
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för juridik, psykologi och socialt arbete.
    Mellan kontinuitet och förändring: utvärdering av den nya nämndorganisationen i Uppsala kommun2008Bok (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 363.
    Montin, Stig
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Hedlund, Gun
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Den samtida samhällsstyrningen: både kontinuitet och förändring2009Inngår i: Governance på svenska / [ed] Gun Hedlund, Stig Montin, Stockholm: Santérus Academic Press Sweden, 2009, 1, s. 201-207Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 364.
    Montin, Stig
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Hedlund, Gun
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Governance som interaktiv samhällsstyrning: gammalt eller nytt i forskning och politik?2009Inngår i: Governance på svenska / [ed] Gun Hedlund, Stig Montin, Stockholm: Santérus Förlag, 2009, 1, s. 7-36Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 365.
    Mörck, Johan
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Regionalt samhällsbyggande i otakt: en studie av den varierande framväxten av samverkansorgan2008Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Regionalisation out of step - the varying growth of regional cooperation councils

    Traditionally regionalisation is either seen as a bottom up movement or as state reform politics from above. From that perspective, Sweden contains both parts. The state enables regionalisation through legislation, promote it through policies and encourage it in rhetoric’s. But the formation of new regional institutions can only be done by the municipalities themselves. Without their belief in stronger and more self governed regions or their will to act and together build capacity in their region, the regionalisation is halted.

    Sweden is a unitary state and there is no real tradition of strong and self governing regions. In that perspective the regional experiments during the second half of the 1990th can be seen as a rather big step. These experiments inspired other parts of Sweden and in the millennium shift, all counties was interested in forming some kind of selfgoverning regional body. In 2002, when legislation made it possible to build new political regional institutions, these new institutions were formed in seven counties. Since then, yet six counties have formed these new regional bodies. This variation raises several empirical questions. The main purpose of this study is to describe and explain the variation in growth of these new regional institutions.

    The analysis follows three different perspectives. The first is a structural one and aims to investigate municipalities need for economic development as a driving force. The second is an institutional perspective where norms are supposed to promote cooperation. The third focus on promoting actors as a force behind the growth of new regional institutions. Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods this thesis shows that different kinds of social norms promoting collaboration are the most important factor in explaining the variation in growth of new regional institutions. The analysis also showed that political actors play an important, both in building and maintaining coopera-tive norms, and probably also in bridging the lack of them.

  • 366.
    Nilsson, Johannes
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    A New-Clear Policy. A Study of Why and How the Centre Party Changed their Nuclear Power Policy2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 367.
    Nilsson, Jonas
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Den demokratiske islamisten?: En studie av tre islamistiska rörelser och deras demokratiseringspotential2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Essay in Political Science, Advanced Continuation Course, 61-80 credits, by Jonas Nilsson

    ”The democratic islamist? - a study of three islamist movements and their potential role in a

    democratization process”

    Supervisor: Jonas Linde

    The purpose of this work has been to explain to what extent islamist movements can be said to be

    bearers of democratic values and if they have a role to play in future democratization processes. The

    purpose of this work is also to examine the democratic views of the different islamist movements and

    to compare them with each other in an effort to find a specific islamist definition of democracy.

    The essay is a qualitative analysis of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Front Islamique du Salut in

    Algeria and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The analytical framework is based on the political institutions

    included in Robert A. Dahl polyarchial democracy. The institutions provided by the polyarchial

    model is used to define the islamist movements stand on democracy which is defined by three different

    standpoints. The movements can either accept, decline or modify the various institutions and the

    results from the analysis helps us to evaluate the future role of islamist movements in the

    democratization process. The results also provides the opportunity to define a version of democracy

    specific for the islamist movements. The conclusion I have made is that the islamist movements

    included in the study have a part to play in a future democratization process. They have shown that

    their commitment to the democratic ideals defined by Dahl is quite extensive and that they as

    separate movements have developed a more advanced view of the relationship between islam and

    democracy as a social order. Though democratic at first glance there are signs that the islamists

    standpoint on democracy comes with certain reservations. The most significant of these

    reservarvations is the islamists regard of islam as an overarching ideology and the subordinate role

    of man made political systems such as democracy. However, the islamists have found ways to handle

    this problem and points out the inherent democratic values in islam and thereby tries to circumvent

    the problematic relationship between democracy and religion. The study also concludes that we can

    define the islamist version of democracy as a specific form of democracy, a value-based participatory

    democracy. This conclusion is based on the islamist emphasis on the importance of ethics, decency

    and virtue in a society, at the same time as they also emphasize the need for legitimacy provided by

    the people through free, fair and frequent elections.

  • 368.
    Nilsson, Peter
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Det offentliga samtalet: En argumentationsanalys av artikuleringen kring Kristianstad Arena2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Essay in Political Science C by Peter Nilsson, spring 2008.

    Det offentliga samtalet – en argumentationsanalys av artikuleringen kring Kristianstad Arena

    Tutor: Stig Montin

    The purpose of this essay is to examine the public deliberation of Kristianstad Arena in the local newspaper and clarify who the actors are and what kind of arguments they express. Further I intend to find the differences between the actors and the kind of arguments they use. To fulfill the purpose I’ve used three minor questions which are; a) which actors participate in the public deliberation about Kristianstad Arena, b) Which are the arguments emerge, c) Which clear differences in the arguments is there between the actors? To find my answers I’ve examined the local paper during a period of four months. The tool I’ve been using to analyze the arguments has its origin in Toulmin’s model from 1958. The conclusion of the essay is that the public deliberation involves seven different kind of actors, who express’s three different kind of arguments. The actors are private persons, politicians, politically un-attached thinkers, politically attached thinkers, local business world, sports associations and media. The three types of arguments are about, the decision, the arena and the debate. The private persons and the politicians resemble each other and mainly express arguments about the decision and partly about the arena. The politically attached and un-attached thinkers more or less exclusively express arguments about the decision. The local business has an equal share of decision- and arena arguments, while the media and the sport associations mainly express arguments about the debate and the arena.

  • 369.
    Nohrstedt, Stig Arne
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Tredje världen i nyheterna: en fallstudie av tretton utländska tidningars rapportering från inbördeskriget i Nigeria 1967-19701986Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The debate concerning a new international information order has raised two important issues: the question of balance and the question of distortion. This case study of the news coverage of the Third World, mainly in Western publications, is devoted to the latter issue. The aim was to investigate empirically the validity of two partly opposing arguments in the debate: 1. That flaws in the news are due to ideological bias; this is proposed in the Third World critique. 2. That possible flaws can be explained by lack of journalistic freedom in the countries reported from; this is proposed by some Western world representatives.

    The publications studies were: The Economist, L'Express, Jeune Afrique, New Statesman, New Times (Nowoje Wremja), Newsweek, The Observer, Der Spiegel, Sunday Times, Time, U.S.News & World Report, West Africa and Die Zeit. Thus the sample comprised four British, one French, two German, three American and one Soviet pubication, and two magazines specialising in Africa. In all, 659 articles were included.

    Three kinds of extra media sources were consulted: 1. prior studies and explications of the traditional and colonial image of Africa in the Occident, 2. scholarly studies of the war, and 3. documents from the propaganda war.

    The results are presented in two steps. Firstly, the findings in the quantitative analyses confirm both the arguments in the debate concerning a new international information order, although the first was corroborated more strongly  than the second. It was found that the ideological factor, i.e. the foreign policy in the home country, is more important for the attitudes in the articles than the question whether the sources of the news are Federal or Biafran.

    Secondly, the qualitative results support the assumption that the news reports are influenced by two kinds of ideological factors: 1. the traditional colonial image of Africa, 2. the foreign policy in the home country. The image of the tribal war is thus dominant in the Western publications, and more so the more pro-Biafran the standpoint of the home country, while New Times conceptualizes the conflict in historical-materialistic terms. The possible ideological impact on the reporting in the specialist magazines was not studied, but their coverage is richer and more correct in content than the Western and Soviet publications.

  • 370.
    NORDLANDER, SARA
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Ungdomars engagemang i politik och miljöfrågor2010Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 371.
    Nordqvist Bergen, Michael
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Taktikröstning i svenska val: - existerar det och påverkades det svenska valet 2010 av det?2011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The number of parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight during the last twenty years. The political agenda is still based on a two-block system with the consequences that the number of parties in each block has increased. To be represented in the parliament, a party needs at least four per cent of the total votes in the election. If only one party fails to achieve that, the whole block will lose the election to the other block. This could encourage voters to vote tactically for the small parties in the block to ensure that the block wins the election. The purpose of my essay is to study the last election to see whether or not the voters did use tactical voting as a tool to make it possible for their block to win the election. This has been done by comparing the results in the elections to the Riksdag and to those of the municipal councils in Stockholm, Göteborg and Malmö. These results were then compared to the major polls before the election to see if there were any signs of tactical voting.

  • 372.
    Nordström, Johan
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Biltillgänglighet eller inte - så tycker Örebro kommunfullmäktige: En enkätundersökning2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Advanced Course Research paper in political Science, by Johan Nordström, Sping 2007

    “Car availability or not, believes of the members of the municipal council of Örebro”

    Instructor: Stig Molin

    The purpose of this research paper is among others to get an insight to what the members of the municipal council of Örebro believes and how they wish the traffic situation should be in a future Örebro. Another purpose of this study is to see if the members of the municipal council have a correct idea how the citizens of Örebro regards/wish at the issue.

    I have to my assistance used one main question and six additional follow up questions. The main question is: How do the members of the municipal council of Örebro want the future car availability designed in the central Örebro. With respect to this main question I have afterwards assumed these six resulting questions: What do the members of the municipal council believe around the question, Do the members of the municipal council have a correct idea of what the citizens think about the question, Is there any similarity/difference between male and female politician, Is there any similarities among the answer between the political parties, is there a clear right/left perspective among the answers, Does it occur any similarities among the answers when it comes to age of the members.

    My course of action has been to send a questionnaire to all ordinary member of the municipal council in Örebro, with their reply and answers to the questionnaire have I afterwards answered the questions of this research paper. I will be focusing on the present time while the history will have a small role in this research paper.

    My results are as following: The members of the municipal council in Örebro have a attitude towards car traffic in central Örebro which matches the believes of the citizens of municipal Örebro. Both the majority of the politicians and citizens wish to see changes in the traffic situation in central Örebro, their common will is to limit the maximum allowed speed on central Örebro and make central Örebro more available for walking, bicycles and buss traffic. With this result as starting point thus central Örebro be designed to give unprotected road-users and buss traffic with their passenger’s better prerequisite to exist in central region.

  • 373.
    Norell, Veronica
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Korruption i Latinamerika: Chile och Paraguay ur ett historiskt perspektiv2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 374.
    Norström-Paananen, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Folkhemsnationalismen. Den nationella visionen av Sverige förr och nu2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 375.
    Odén, Christoffer
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Traditionalism mot Modernism: Svenska Vänsterpartiets ideologidebatt idag2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    C-level in Political Science by Christoffer Odén, vt-08

    “Traditionalism versus Modernism. The Ideology Debate in Left-Socialist Party Today”

    Instructor: Mats Lindberg

    The purpose with this essay is to describe the ideology debate in Left-Socialist Party between traditionalists and modernists. This essay have the following questions: 1 ) What are the differences between traditional and modern politics in the Left-Socialist Party? 2 ) What is similar between traditional and modern politics in the Left-Socialist Party? My method is to analyse the Left-Socialist Party programme from 2004 and analyse a programme from the modernist organisation Vagval Vanster. Then I shall compare the political views between those programmes. My results show that there are many differences but also similarity. For example the traditionalism wants to keep their political views and wait on the citizens to realise that a better world is possible. The modernists seek to renew their political views beacause they believe that no party has a self-value. The big similarity between the two groups are that they think the present society is unjust and not democratic enough. I think this essay has been very stimulating and I was suprised of some of the differences between the two groups.

  • 376.
    Oskarsson, David
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    En insats för freden eller statsbudgeten?: Riksdagsdebatten kring försvarsbesluten 2000 och 20042010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to investigate what kind of motives where behind the long term decisions for the Swedish military defense in 2000 and 2004. This leads to the questions that the essay is meant to answer; 1. Were the motives behind the two decisions for the Swedish military defense of economic character or an adjustment of security and defense policy? 2. Was the parliament united in the two decisions and if they were not, why? 3. Were there any differences in motive between the two decisions? To answer these questions I have investigated the government bills, private member bills and the parliament debate concerning the two decisions. The result of the essay is that the decision of 2000 was a compromise between security and state finances. The essay can’t define the motives for the later decision. There was a greater understanding in the parliament in the later decision and the biggest difference between both decisions is that the parties who made the decisions in the parliament were not the same at both events.

  • 377.
    Oskarsson, David
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    "Forskning visar att...": En kvalitativ argumentationsanalys av debatten om sjukförsäkrigsreformen 20082011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 378.
    Ostrowski, Dominigue
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Djurskyddsmyndigheten: Myndighetens tillkomst och nedläggning, processen och intressen2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 379.
    Pagrotsky, Sonja
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Regionkommunernas storlek: En balansakt mellan demokrati och effektivitet2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [sv]

    Sammandrag

    C-uppsats i statskunskap av Sonja Pagrotsky, höstterminen 2007. ”Regionkommunernas storlek – en balansakt mellan demokrati och effektivitet”. Handledare: Erik Amnå.

    Syftet med denna studie är att komma fram till hur förhållandet mellan demokrati och effektivitet ser ut i Ansvarskommitténs slutbetänkande Hållbar samhällsorganisation med utvecklingskraft. Grundfrågan blir således ”Hur ser förhållandet ut mellan demokrati och effektivitet vad gäller Ansvarskommitténs förslag om regionkommuner?” För att undersöka grundfrågan har tre mer specifika delfrågor ställts upp: ”Hur anses regionstorleken påverka demokratin?”, ”Hur anses regionstorleken påverka effektiviteten?” samt ”Hur behandlas balansakten mellan demokrati och effektivitet av Ansvarskommittén?”.

    Studien är en kvalitativ beskrivande innehållsanalys med syfte att klargöra Ansvarskommitténs tankestruktur i sitt slutbetänkande. Uppsatsen är disponerad så att den inleds med en historisk bakgrund där materialet kommer ifrån sekundärkällor för att få en allmän orientering i storleksfrågan. Därefter presenteras teoretiska perspektiv och empiriska erfarenheter i fråga om regionstorleken där materialet är hämtat från primärkällor av frågans mest inflytelserika och auktoritativa forskare. Till sist analyseras Ansvarskommitténs slutbetänkande i en fallstudieanalys med hjälp av de teoretiska perspektiven och empiriska erfarenheterna. Avgränsningen till demokrati och effektivitet grundas i att balansakten mellan dessa två värden är den svåraste och viktigaste frågan vid nya indelningar av en stats län.

    Den övergripande slutsatsen som dras är att förhållandet mellan demokrati och effektivitet är ojämnt med en tung övervikt åt effektivitet. Slutbetänkandet fokuserar på välfärdsproduktion och demokratifrågorna kommer i skymundan.

  • 380.
    Pagrotsky, Sonja
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Riksrevisionen: En principfråga2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 381.
    Pedersen, Linda
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Partnerskap för utveckling: En studie om EU:s utvecklings- och biståndspolitik2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 382.
    Perman, Karin
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Från el till värme: en diskursanalytisk policystudie av energiomställning på statlig, kommunal och hushållsnivå2008Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to analyse how space heating for single-family houses, and energy system conversion has been constructed and discussed at national, municipal and household levels. Political documents have been studied, and interviews have been carried out with politicians, civil servants and householders in the municipality of Falun. In order to study and analyse similarities and differences between these three political levels, the following main questions were asked: In which sense is the use of electrical heating formulated as problematic? How are the causes of these problems presented, and which solutions are suggested? What are the effects of how problems, causes and solutions are constructed?

    At the national level, the use of electricity produced by nuclear power was considered a problem. Initially the municipality’s policy documents present the same problem, but there is a change of focus to the problem of imported electricity produced by fossil fuel, and the resulting emissions. At household level, the problem was often an old and badly functioning space-heating system. But some households did not formulate a problem before they converted. Instead they were influenced by their neighbours and thereby convinced.

    At all three political levels, there is consensus on the households’ responsibility concerning energy transition. While industry tends to be considered incapable of cutting down its energy consumption, households are expected to take the responsibility seriously. Furthermore, within the household, the heating system tends to be constructed as a predominantly male concern.

    At all three levels, households are perceived as dependant on economical subsidies when taking the decision to convert from electrical heating. Although it is interesting that the interviewed householders only apply this view to others than themselves. They are convinced that other households need subsidies to act in an environmentally correct way.

    The discourse concerning the Swedish energy transition illustrates a shift away from a definition of ecological modernisation where environmental considerations influence economic development. The thesis clearly shows how economic arguments repeatedly influence environmental concerns. However, the tension between the two is played down and concealed through the lack of problematisation of the responsibility of industry, and through the focus on the need for education and future opportunities. Political dialogues concerning the use of electrical heating and the conversion of energy systems towards more renewable energies are dominated by economic arguments at the three levels. One effect of this is an assumption that energy policy instruments such as information and economic subsidies are essential for the energy transition. However, if householders rather are influenced by their neighbours should the government use economic subsidy as the main energy policy instrument?

  • 383.
    PERSSON KJESSEL, MAGDALENA
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Med ansiktet mot Behrn arena.: En maktanalys av de tre maktansiktena i Eyravallsprocessen.2009Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (Two Years)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 384.
    Persson Kjessel, Magdalena
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Vem tar hand om de slagna kvinnorna: Statsbidrag och förhållandet mellan kvinnojourer och kommunalpolitiker2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 385.
    Persson, Monika
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Forskningens roll i trygghetspolitiken2011Inngår i: Perspektiv på offentlig verksamhet i utveckling: tolv kapitel om demokrati, styrning och effektivitet / [ed] Ann-Sofie Hellberg, Martin Karlsson, Hannu Larsson, Erik Lundberg, Monika Persson, Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2011, s. 21-31Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 386.
    Peterson, Helen
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Flexibilitet och förtroende i avreglerade organisationer: ett arbetstagarperspektiv2007Inngår i: Arbetsmarknad & Arbetsliv, ISSN 1400-9692, Vol. 13, nr 2, s. 27-40Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
  • 387.
    Pettersson, Conny
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Glokal institutionalisering: mötet mellan globala och lokala idéer i kommunal näringspolitik för hållbar utveckling2007Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis treats the globalisation of processes for sustainable development. It focuses, by means of both empirical and theoretical arguments, on the ways in which the United Nations’ thoughts on sustainability have been circulated, adopted and implemented in the economic policies of a Swedish municipality. The theory of sustainable development was launched to the wider society by the World Commission for Environment and Development in 1987. The question is, what happens to the globally formulated idea on sustainable development when it is interpreted locally and eventually put into practice in municipalities and elsewhere?

    The aim of the first section of the thesis is to describe and analyse the economic policy for sustainable development in Karlskoga. The politico-economic policy in Karlskoga has been roughly the same for the past 30 years. The primary aim of the municipality’s economic policy is to break with tradition and readjust the business structure. The purpose is to achieve a business sector that is less dependent on the financial markets. The analysis illustrates the practical work that sometimes follows proud declarations, in this case regarding sustainable development, but also describe the various processes that are initiated when new influences are introduced in organisations. This study shows that Karlskoga has hardly any fundamental prioritisation problems in the execution of its economic policies. It is the present that matters, and it is economic and social welfare that is being prioritised. The economic policies in Karlskoga can hardly be said to reflect sustainable thinking.

    This thesis has applied an abductive approach to the issues which have been described. This means that the interpretation of the establishment of an economic policy for sustainable development in the municipality of Karlskoga has been challenged in the second section of the thesis. More specifically, the conclusions have been challenged. The process has been twofold. Firstly, the viewpoint from a potentially more successful case of economic policy development with regards to sustainable work has been examined, followed by the viewpoint from a theoretical perspective.

    It is evident that Karlskoga comes across as tradition-preserving, fence-sitting and downright passive in its process to outline its municipal economic policy for sustainable development. The municipality of Hällefors, on the other hand, has asserted itself more as a breaker of traditions and has been active and frankly exemplary in its drive to implement the relevant policies. This analysis therefore begins with the similarity in historical development , before looking at which position the respective municipalities choose to take with regards to the economic policy when the sustainable development process is initiated. The question at the heart of the analysis is whether the Hällefors’ dawning success may be used to shed light on Karlskoga’s economic policy, and if so, then in what way. Theoretical formulation on institutionalisation and the spreading of ideas is thus applied in order to interpret the means by which the municipalities adopted the principles of sustainable development, as well as the methods through which it has been incorporated in the politico-economic strategy.

    It is obvious that the authorities in Hällefors are faced with similar problems to those in Karlskoga. In the first place, it is difficult to reconcile the current sustainable thinking with the politico-economic tradition. The similarities between the municipalities is that it is largely at the formulation stage. Both municipalities are struggling to succeed in translating and formulating the meaning of their sustainability principles. If the strategy in Hällefors is described as dynamically progressive, then the process in Karlskoga could be labelled dynamically conservative. Nevertheless, it is impossible to prove the success or failure of either strategy based on such descriptions. Each designation should be viewed against the background of expressed goals and assessed in relation to the extent to which these have been accomplished. This viewpoint is that we cannot expect to bring about a convergent or homogenised global thinking on sustainable development. This study illustrates that local traditions and conditions significantly influence the manner in which ideas are distributed, adopted and institutionalised in different historical and spatial contexts.

  • 388.
    Pettersson, Henry
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Den försiktiga kameleonten: europeisk socialdemokrati och brittiska labour2004Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The first aim of this study is to examine the foundation, the conditions and the development of European Social Democracy. Its development is understood as a function of electoral behaviour and its interest in being the party of Government. European Social Democracy has moved from a leftwing position towards the centre. The second aim of this study is to examine the ideological change of the British Labour Party. Labourism has been the ideological form of the Social Democratic ideas of the British Labour Party.

    The division between Social Democracy and Social or Radical Liberalism is not always distinct and evident. Especially the British Labour party and its dominant think tank, the Fabian Society, have always represented a non-Marxist brand of Socialism very close to British radical Liberalism. European Social Democracy has influenced the British Labour Party and vice versa. The Fabian Society inspired the founder of Revisionism, Eduard Bernstein with his book Evolutionary Socialism. Keynesian management, mixed economy and the welfare state became the most important elements of Social Democratic policy after the Second World War.

    The 1945 Labour Party electoral manifesto Let us face the future was a mixture of limited Socialist ideas and ambitions to create a welfare state. In 1945-51, the United Kingdom was the only major Western country to be governed by a Social Democratic one-party government.

    In the 1960s, there was a leftwing surge and Social Democracy came to power in both Britain and Germany. With The New Britain, the manifesto of 1964, Harold Wilson represented a technocratic interpretation of Socialism and Social Democracy. Such ideas were common in several Social Democracies at the time.

    In the 1970s, there was a deep rift between the Labour Right and the Labour Left about economic policy, defence policy and party democracy. The electoral manifesto The New Hope for Britain 1983 has been seen as the high tide of the Labour Left and ‘the longest suicide note’ in the Labour Party history. In the 1980s and the first half of the 1990s, several other Northern Social Democratic parties were also in electoral crisis and opposition. This was partly compensated for by the victories and governments of the Southern European Socialist Parties.

    The electoral manifesto of 1997, New Labour; because Britain deserves better, was followed by the greatest victory in Labours history since 1945. New Labour was the leading advocate of the ‘Third way’ between traditional Social Democracy and neo-liberalism.

    The conclusion of this study about European Social Democracy is that the history of Social Democracy is the history of adaptation and eclecticism. The conclusion about the British Labour Party is that its Labourism has from time to time taken different forms but with ‘New Labour’, the party perhaps stretches itself beyond Labourism.

  • 389.
    Pettersson, Marcus
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    I Staffan Wermes skugga: I maktens korridorer med en hegemonisk kommunstyrelseordförande2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    In this essay I try to find out how the local political climate in the Swedish Municipal Örebro looks like through the eyes of Michel Foucault. I’ve been focusing on the concept power, knowledge and politic. I’ve been applying the discourse theory on the study and the founder of that theory is Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, the discoursetheory is a refinement of Foucaults thoughts about discourse. The object of study is the Mayor of Örebro, Staffan Werme and the position connected to that post. I’ve used the method “shadowing”, and I’ve been following the Mayor in every physical room that he appears in for nearly two weeks. The aim is too see which subject-position that the Mayor ascribes to in those different rooms, and also how the concept of power is used.

  • 390.
    Pettersson, Marcus
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Medborgardialog: Ett demokratiexperiment i Örebro kommun2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract

    In the beginning of 2007 the Swedish municipality Örebro decided to have a democratic

    experiment, which ought to go under the name, “Dialouge for the citizens”. The

    representative elected politicians in Örebro tried to find ways to involve the people in the

    process of ruling. Why they choose to try this experiment on this very delicate matter, the

    closure of several schools in the municipal, is one of the questions this essay is trying to

    answer.

    The purpose of this essay is to find out whether the process was an attempt for the politicians

    of the representative democracy to implement deliberative democracy in the structure of the

    local governance.

    The result of this study is that the politicians didn’t manage to reach to the citizens the way

    they formerly had planned.

  • 391.
    Pettersson, Niklas
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    För Sverige - i tiden: En analys av Sveriges kung Carl XVI Gustafs uttalanden och befogenheter i början av 2000-talet2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to examinate the statements and verbal attributions of King Carl

    XVI Gustaf of Sweden in the early 2000’s. More exactly I’ve got two question formulations:

    Which statements does king Carl XVI Gustaf of Sweden make during the early 2000’s and are these

    statements, in line with the king’s attributions, non-political, party-politically neutral and noncontroversial

    according to different perspectives? Question number two is if there are to find any

    boundaries for where the verbal attributions of Carl XVI Gustaf seem to go when he expresses himself in

    the role as the king of Sweden and the chief of state in the early 2000’s. My procedure is to read the

    Christmas speeches of Carl XVI Gustaf during the 2000’s and use former beheld statements of Carl XVI

    Gustaf to seek answers to the research questions. My conclusions are that the king does make political

    as well as party-political statements according to different perspectives. The king sometimes speaks

    fondly about EU, advocates multiculturalism, praises the family as a social building block and embellishes

    the Swedish monarchy. According to different perspectives these notions cannot be seen as nonpolitical

    nor party-politically neutral because in some questions different opinions are prevailed among

    parliament parties and other bigger parties in Sweden. However, the statements of the king can hardly

    be seen as controversial since his statements often rest upon strong common values and national unity.

    The verbal boundary of Carl XVI Gustaf is floating and cannot be unravelled, but it’s possible to approach

    the truth with three cores: 1. The king can encourage, although not tell how something is to be

    done. 2. The king shall keep within the national unity and common values. 3. It’s not always enough with

    Swedish national unity, nor shall Carl XVI Gustaf butt in discussions that undermines the relations with

    other countries.

  • 392.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Från kvinnofrågor till könsmaktstruktur: den svenska jämställdhetspolitikens utveckling 1972-19971998Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 393.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Jämställdheten och kommunerna1998Inngår i: Genus i praktiken: på hans eller hennes villkor? / [ed] Annika Baude, Per Hansson, Doris Olsen, Ing-Marie Persson, Hans Robertsson, Vällingby: Jämställdhetsarbetares förening , 1998, s. 62-75Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 394.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Manligt motstånd och ambivalens till jämställdhetsreformer1997Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 395.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Män som hindrar och män som främjar jämställdhetsarbete1997Inngår i: Styrsystem och jämställdhet: institutioner i förändring och könsmaktens framtid : rapport till Utredningen om fördelningen av ekonomisk makt och ekonomiska resurser mellan kvinnor och män / [ed] Anna G. Jónasdóttir, Stockholm: Fritzes , 1997, s. 146-175Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 396.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    The politics of gender equality policy: a study of implementation and non-implementation in three Swedish municipalities2002Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    The question raised in this thesis is why the implementation of the Swedish government’s gender equality policy for the most part comes to a halt when it is to be implemented in local organizations. Its aim, more concretely, is to investigate and analyze the role of men in political and administrative leadership positions when this policy is to be institutionalized in the operations of these organizations. This study approaches the implementation of government policy as a political process and the framework applied to investigate this process is a modified form of Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz’ nondecision-making model. This framework, which uses an approach to power labeled by Steven Lukes as the second face of power, is adjusted and retailored to disclose power relations and conflicts in the implementation process. It is used to document and analyze how men in political and administrative leadership positions intentionally or unintentionally engage in what is referred to as the non-implementation of gender equality policy.

    The findings of this study, based on an investigation of three local authorities during roughly a fifteen-year period, document and illustrate the different methods/barriers used by men in leadership to prevent, inhibit and obstruct the institutiona-lization of gender equality policy in the operations of these local authorities. Inactivity/passivity was the most prevalent form at all stages of the implementation process. Indirect forms included co-opting control of gender equality initiatives, preventing gender equality operations from acquiring resources, undermining these operations by withdrawing resources and questioning their legitimacy. Direct forms of obstruction included the “branding” of gender equality workers, undermining their professional and personal legitimacy, and harassment. The findings also reveal how some men in leadership positions, passively and actively, promoted the institutionalization of this policy.

    In the final chapter I discuss other factors that could be used to explain the sluggish pace of gender equality policy implementation. I also raise and discuss whether and in what sense the power struggle concerning the implementation of gender equality policy is gendered.

  • 397.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Varför avgår kvinnor från kommunalpolitiken?1995Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 398.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    van der Ros, Janneke
    A question of political will?: The state, local authorities, and equal status policy1999Inngår i: Equal democracies?: gender and politics in the Nordic countries / [ed] Christina Bergqvist (editor in chief), Oslo: Scandinavian University Press , 1999, s. 208-232Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 399.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    van der Ros, Janneke
    Vilje eller evne?: Staten, kommunene og likestillingspolitikken1999Inngår i: Likestilte demokratier?: Kjønn og politikk i Norden / [ed] Christina Bergqvist (hovedredaktør), Oslo: Universitetsförlaget AS , 1999, s. 192-213Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 400.
    Rennerstam, Maria
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Socialdemokraterna och Moderaterna var är de på höger - vänsterskalan? En studie av moderaternas och socialdemokraternas valmanifest  mellan åren 1976-20022011Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
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