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  • 451.
    Szabo, Kristof
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Regimtyp och valrevolution: En jämförande studie av regimtyperna i Vitryssland, Georgien och Ukraina2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 452.
    Sööder, Maria
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Arbetslöshetsförsäkringen i svensk politik och ideologisk debatt2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 453.
    Tahir, Karwan
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Sharia eller västerländsk jämställdhet?: Kvinnor i egyptisk lagstiftning2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    Sharia or western equality?

    women

    in Egyptian legislation

    The Islamic law (Sharia) in most of the countries in Middle East and North Africa has been the basis for modern laws which regulate issues such as marriage, divorce and inheritance. These laws (personal status law or family law) have been debated frequently in the last decades.

    There are those who consider personal status law (PSL) as unjust, male-biased and discriminating against women especially in the issue of divorce. On the other hand there are voices who call to go back to the Sharia, because muslims has to follow the islamic law and its values, they are universal as they claim. In this essay I try to enlighten these two points of view which can be found in the debate in Egypt. A country witch was first among the Arabic countries to adopt a modern jurisprudence.

    Despite several reforms in personal status law (PSL) in the last 80 years women groups and international organisations consider that there are much more to be done.

    This essay gives a historical background of Islamic jurisprudence, its development and islamic political ideas behind Sharia. It also describes PSL with divorce in focus.

  • 454.
    Talman, Kim
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Arbetarpartiet Kommunisterna och deras politik2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This essay is about the Workers Communist Party. My method for the analyzing part in this essay is qualitative methods such as text and idea analysis. I have chosen the words of Claudin to describe which ideological standpoints Workers Communist Party have. First I write about the background to why Workers Communist Party was formed in 1977. The background is the big split of extreme left wingers from the left party, which formed several organisations such as The Communist Marxist-Leninist Revolutionary Party and The Communist Organization for Marxist-Leninists. The first was neo-stalinistic, the second was maoistic. The ideology of Workers Communist Party is at most stalinistic. But the question of worldwide peace takes the party a bit off from the Stalinist ideology. Somehow, the politics of Workers Communist Party is at most similar to radical social-democratic or ordinary left-wing politics. The most important questions for the party are equality, democracy in state and economy and, at last, work and safety for all people. In Swedish elections, Workers Communist Party has failed. At 1979 they had 15 mandates in eleven counties in the northeast part of Sweden. At 2006, Workers Communist Party only has two mandates in the county of Gällivare in the northeast of Lapland.

  • 455.
    Thor, Elisabet
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Regionalt samarbete och frihandel: En jämförande analys av: ALBA och FTAA2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 456.
    Torstensson, Thobias
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Inte utan min ideologi: En kvantitativ analys av svenska riksdagsledamöters bloggar2013Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This essay’s purpose is to investigate how members of the swedish parliament uses their blogs for political communication. The main question of the essay is; are there any differences in how politicians use their blogs, concidering their parties ideological background? The main question is divided in to three subqueries which are related to the empirical analysis, the subqueries are; (1) Which members of parliament has a blog and is there any ideological connection? (2) Is there any difference in frequency of blogging related to party? (3) How is the blog focused? Is there any difference in how the members of parliament blog, do they focus on their own views or their parties views?.

    The method used for this essay is quantitative content analysis. The empirical material used for the study consists of 95 blogs belonging to members of the swedish parliament.

    The empirical study shows several differences between politicans representing parties to the left and right. MP’s to the right are both more common and frequent in the blogosphere than the MP’s representing parties to the left. The study also shows that bloggers representing the Left party, Social democrats, Green Part and Swedish democrats uses their blogs for more party-orientated communication. Blogging MP’s representing the The Liberal People’s party, The Moderate Party and the Christian Democrats more often use their blogs to communicate individual opinions. This result concludes that there are ideological differences in how swedish members of parliament blog. 

  • 457. Tseronis, Assimakis
    I. Fairclough and N. Fairclough, Political discourse analysis. A method for advanced students.  [Review]2013Inngår i: Journal of Argumentation in Context, ISSN 2211-4742, E-ISSN 2211-4750, Vol. 2, nr 2, s. 269-278Artikkel, omtale (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 458.
    Uggla, Ylva
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Elander, Ingemar
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Kommunerna och klimatet: tendenser, möjligheter och problem2009Inngår i: Global uppvärmning och lokal politik / [ed] Ylva Uggla, Ingemar Elander, Stockholm: academic press , 2009, s. 129-136Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 459.
    Unander-Scharin, Teresia
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Vad är problemet i a-kassan?2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The object of the essay was to investigate the argumentation in the bill, the comments from unions and the authorities, among others and the motions concerning the bill. To analysis this argumentation I have been using feminist theory, specifically Carole Lee Bacchis ”What’s the problem”-aproach. I also used Maud Eduards and Diane Sainsbury to complete my theory. They describe men as the norm of the society and women as deviant. The questions I have been investigating in the texts are

    - What’s the problem?

    - Who or what caused the problem?

    - Who or what is responsible for the problem?

    - Who has the responsibility to change the problem?

    - What problem is not mentioned?

    - Are men mentioned as a gender and a group?

    - Are women mentioned as a gender and a group?

    - How are men and women described?

    The investigation found that the problems that was presented in the theory was very mush present in the text that I investigated. Women are seen as passive and as willingness victims of their employers. Men on the other hand are active and are mentioned as the opposite of these women. The results however varied depending on which text was studied, but the main picture remained the same.

  • 460.
    Urbas, Anders
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Den svenska valforskningen: vetenskapande, demokrati och medborgerlig upplysning2009Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis is an examination and a critical account of the Swedish Election Studies, carried out at the Department of Political Science, Gothenburg University in collabo­ration with Statistics Sweden. The primary sources are the fifteen main reports delivered to the public through the years 1977 – 2006. The method is to reconstruct some central blocks of thought and ideas in these reports, on the one hand, and to scrutinize and criticize them, on the other. The overarching result is that the Swedish Election Studies, in spite of its proclaimed scientific objectivity and value-neutrality, in fact can be characterized as permeated by normative political thought, explicitly as well as implicitly.

    Concerning the view of science, the Swedish Election Studies proclaims objectivity and value-neutrality. This is criticized in the thesis as impossible, from the point of view of philosophy of the social sciences, and as de facto wrong, since normative political thought is shown to be both present and important in all the reports.

    Concerning the Swedish democratic system, the Swedish Election Studies: 1) use Sweden as its immediate starting-point for description and explanation, and not some specific ideal or normative perspective, 2) maintain that Swedish democracy, empirically seen, equals electoral and representative democracy (swed. “valdemokrati”), 3) and that Swedish democracy, equally empirically seen, is in good health. This is criticized in the thesis as containing a subtly masked and deviously defended implicit normative ideal, i.e electoral and representative democracy, as a democratic model, and for leading to an equally implicit and masked guardianship of the existing democratic system in Sweden.

    Concerning the enlightened citizen, the Swedish Election Studies formulate an explicit ideal. Citizens in a democracy should be politically enlightened in order to be self-governing; and according to the accompanying operational criteria, Swedish citizens are. This is criticized in the thesis as an ideal that is reduced to an utter absurdity, where the operational criteria chosen are both narrow and shallow, and the interpretative thresholds low. The accompanying empirical results, and the continuing interpretation in all the reports, are that Swedish citizens always are sufficiently enlightened. This is regarded in the thesis as just another block of thought in the guardianship and normative bias inherent in the Swedish Election Studies.

  • 461.
    VALKONEN, SANNA
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    En policyanalys av djurskyddslagen och dess offentliga aktörer.2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 462.
    van Deth, Jan W.
    et al.
    Mannheim Centre for European Social Research, Mannheim, Germany.
    Zorell, Carolin
    University of Mannheim, Mannheim, Germany.
    Politischer Protest und Konsum2019Inngår i: Handbuch der politikwissenschaftlichen Einstellungs- und Verhaltensforschung / [ed] Thorsten Faas, Oscar W. Gabriel, and Jürgen Maier, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft , 2019Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This handbook provides a comprehensive overview of the theories and findings of international empirical research in the areas of ‘processing political information and political communication’, ‘political attitudes and value orientations’, ‘political participation’ and ‘voter behaviour’. It also presents ‘new methods used in attitude and behaviour research’.

  • 463.
    Viduss, Maria
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Integrationen av etniska minoriteter i de tre Baltiska staterna2006Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    This essay is a comparative empirical study of ethnic integration mainly of the Russian-speaking minorities in the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) in a post-communism setting. As Lithuania has a Polish minority that is as large as the Russian-speaking, they too shall be included in the study but not as thoroughly as the Russian-speaking minority. Thus the problem is: to what degree are the ethnic minorities integrated with the titular nations in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania? In order to study ethnic integration I have set up a theoretical framework largely based on Weiner’s theory of integration. The theoretical framework focuses on three dimensions: Citizenship, Identity and Segregation. The method used is Most Similar System Design (MSSD). The aim of MSSD is to identify differences in the dimensions which can explain differences in the factor investigated. This particular essay aims to identify the differences in citizenship, identity and segregation which can explain differences in integration between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Opinion data and statistics as well as relevant literature on the subjects of attitudes and minority situation in the Baltic States will hopefully give a fair picture of the circumstances regarding integration. My conclusions are that the minorities in Lithuania are the ones most integrated with the titular society; due to a legislation that enabled all permanent residents with automatic citizenship and a much smaller minority population. Minorities (save the Polish) do not live in self-contained enclaves where they employ each other, speak the same language and insulate themselves from the titular society in Lithuania. Estonia on the other hand has a legislation that did only give full citizenship to inter-war citizens leaving the majority of the Russian-speaking migrants stateless. Estonia consists of two different ethnic societies living side by side with few interactions between the two which enables the minority to insulate itself. The minority in Estonia is the least integrated minority in the Baltic states. Latvia gave automatic citizenship only to inter-war citizens leaving the majority of the russian-speakers without citizenship. Although Latvia has the largest minority population the minority does not live in self-contained enclaves insulated from the titular society (save some areas in eastern Latvia) which makes them more integrated than the minority in Estonia but less integrated than the minorities in Lithuania.

  • 464.
    WARSAME MOHAMUD, Samiya
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Yttrandefrihetens gränser. En idéanalys av fallet Åke Green2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 465.
    Weinehammar, Paula
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Demokrati, politik och arbetsmiljö i den offentliga förvaltningen under New Public Management: En kritisk analys och en kritisk argumentation.2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 466.
    Weinehammar, Paula
    Örebro universitet.
    Olof Palme och löntagarfonder: En studie om rörelsesocialism och statssocialism i den svenska arbetarrörelsen2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to examine wage-earners' investment funds from the ideological point of view. Were they in any way an integrated part of social democratical democratic socialism and reformism? I emphasize Olof Palme´s ideological idea of democratic socialism and reformism, and how he handled the issue. How did the question of these funds correspondent with the basic ideological points of view, and what was the standpoint of Palme in this issue.

    My method is built upon a deep study and analyses of SAP board of party and the standing committees protocol in the light of Olof Palme´s and SAP's ideology. I even use information from literature, inquiries and dissertations. I will mainly focus on Palme´s standpoint during this time.

    There are the tree question areas and answers in this essay. There is an obvious tension between the two poles of labour movement, the state socialism represented by the social democratic party with a social outlook from above and the movement socialism, represented by the trade union movement with view from below. How did the wage-earners' investment funds stand to this traditional tension? How did Olof Palme remain to it? The answers to these questions are, that Olof Palme was very aware of this tension and he warned the trade union to be too radical. The proposal had a more reformistic formation when it was transmitted from the movement socialistic pole to the state socialistic pole.

    How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in democratic socialism? The proposal of the wage-earners' investment funds meant that the function socialistic line, which traditionally was brought by the social democracy, now was changed to the line of ownership. Was it Palmes intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds, to be more an a large public sector? The final proposition was a compromise and had lost its radical characteristics. It was never Olof Palme’s intention to implement a socialistic society with the help of the wage-earners' investment funds.

    How did the wage-earners' investment funds fit in the reformistic point of view? Were they system changing or system preserving, or both? The answer to this in this essay is, that the origin proposal was radical and system changing. The final proposal was both system preserving and system changing.

  • 467.
    Welin, Roger
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Frågan om utvärderingars användande i den offentliga sektorn: en studie om hur boksluten för välfärd och hållbar utveckling har använts i Örebro kommun.2007Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 468.
    Wentzel, Annica
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Tjänstemän och demokrati: En fallstudie av processledare i Örebro kommun2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 469.
    Wikström Melin, Emilia
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Det deltagardemokratiska idealet: En studie av Medborgarinflytandeprojektet2008Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 470.
    Wikström, William
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Sverigedemokraterna i Riksdagen 2010?: En fallstudie av partiets chanser att nå politisk framgång i Sverige2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 471.
    Witén, Magnus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Opportunities and Obstacles for the Implementation of the European Asylum Curriculum in Greece2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 472.
    Wörlund, Ingemar
    et al.
    Mittuniversitetet.
    Berglund, Sten
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap.
    Risbjerg Thomsen, Sören
    Århus universitet.
    The mobilization of the Swedish electrorate (1911-1940)1990Inngår i: Modern political ecological analysis / [ed] Sten Berglund, Sören Risbjerg Thomsen, Åbo: Åbo akademi , 1990, s. 78-90Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 473.
    Ytter, Emil
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Blockröstning i generalförsamlingen. En kvantitativ undersökning om blockröstning i FN:s generalförsamling2011Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
  • 474.
    Zorell, Carolin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Reconfiguring responsibilities between state and market: how the 'concept of the state' affects political consumerism2019Inngår i: Acta Politica, ISSN 0001-6810, E-ISSN 1741-1416Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Citizens hold different views on what they consider to be an appropriate role of the state in society. Their ‘concept of the state’ varies, and with it vary the views on which duties and responsibilities belong to the state, firms and citizens, and which role corresponds to each of them in tackling socio-political concerns. Based on a comparison of 20 European countries, this paper shows that such views affect indi-viduals’ tendency to become political consumers and the overall extent of politi-cal consumerism in a country. Depending on whether cooperative approaches pre-dominate in a society or, in turn, a reliance on free-market mechanisms prevails, the magnitude of political consumerism is larger or smaller in a country, respectively. Furthermore, the same pattern is observable at the individual level: citizens hold-ing a cooperative ‘concept of the state’ are twice as likely political consumers than are citizens relying on free-market mechanisms. Thus, the study shows that different ‘concepts of the state’ explain cross-national differences in political consumerism, and these differences are immediately connected to singular patterns that under-lie the individual inhabitants’ attitudes. Moreover, this highlights that attempts to encourage political consumerism should focus on means that are attuned to the pre-vailing ‘concept of the state’.

  • 475.
    Zorell, Carolin
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Yang, Mundo
    Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Arts, University of Siegen, Siegen, Germany.
    Real-World Sustainable Citizenship between Political Consumerism and Material Practices2019Inngår i: Social Sciences, ISSN 2076-0760, Vol. 8, nr 11Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    While the number of theoretical concepts surrounding sustainable citizenship, political consumerism and ethical lifestyles is rising continuously, this article is interested in how citizens themselves delineate sustainable citizenship through their practices. Asking which contours real-world sustainable citizenship has, we draw on the practice turn. From this perspective, sustainable citizenship might be an empirical nexus of material practices, like buying organic products or sharing goods. These practices rely on dispositions that include practical rules, attitudes and political values. With survey data from Germany (N = 1350) and using principle component analysis, we reconstruct sustainable citizenship through stable and widespread real-world patterns. The results suggest that sustainable citizenship is a relatively coherent, nonetheless hybrid bundle of performances and dispositions. Real-world sustainable citizenship most resembles political consumerism, but consists overall of three distinct practices: sustainable purchasing, reduced consumption, and green mobility. All three are shown to be connected to engaged citizenship norms and the intention to advance social-ecological change. However, social class seems to prevent some citizens particularly from applying sustainable purchasing, while age and infrastructures constrain green mobility. Altogether, our results show that citizens from all social backgrounds practice sustainable citizenship. Yet they do so through different forms of practices, adjusted to their capabilities.

  • 476.
    Åkesson, Eva
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Sinn Féin - en studie av ett politiskt partis legitimitet ur medborgarnas synvinkel2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

     

    The purpose of this essay is to study the republican and socialist Northern Ireland political party Sinn Féin and to examine its legitimacy in the eyes of the citizens of Northern Ireland. Is it possible to have a political agenda that includes violence and still maintain legitimacy? The Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) military struggle was for a long time a part of the party’s political agenda. This strategy has been described as to have a ballot paper in one hand and an Armalite in the other, and successfully made Sinn Féin one of the province’s largest political parties. I have examined the time period from 1989 to present time. My concept of legitimacy is based on a theory by the political scientist Mikael Axberg, who describes legitimacy to be a concept that contains three different parts: a legal, a democratic and a sociological perspective. Methodically this essay is both a qualitative and quantitative study. 

    The main question of the essay is:”Can Sinn Féin be considered to be a political party of a legitimate foundation in the eyes of the citizens?”. In order to examine this question I have used three sub questions:

    1) Is Sinn Féin, from a legal understanding of legitimacy, a legitimate party?

    2) Is Sinn Féin, from a democratic understanding of legitimacy, a legitimate party?

    3) Is Sinn Féin, from a sociological understanding of legitimacy, a legitimate party?

    Of course this is not the only way to understand legitimacy and approach this problem, but it is the way I find most useful in order to answer the question. The sub questions have a wide range and include three different perspectives, which provides a good foundation for answering the main question of the essay.

    The essay comes to the conclusion that Sinn Féin is a legitimate party in the eyes of the citizens, if the polarisation of the society is considered. Catholic and protestant citizens have very different views on the legitimacy of Sinn Féin. The essay concludes that if a society is as polarised as Northern Ireland, that has to be taken into account when questions of legitimacy are examined.

     

  • 477.
    Åström, Joachim
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Mot en digital demokrati?: Teknik, politik och institutionell förändring2004Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    New information and communication technologies are today put forward as one possible solution to the perceived problems of democracy. Seeing that the Internet enables new forms of communication and eases information gathering, one view says that the Internet will open up new participatory avenues and radically transform patterns of political participation. Another view says that nothing will change because the new technology will be embedded within power structures that are not likely to change. The aim of this thesis is to discern the causes and consequences of the Swedish local governments´ use of the Internet in the democratic process, and also to use variation and similarities in the response to new technology to illuminate answers to fundamental questions about politics and institutional change. On the one hand, the analysis reveals that the Internet has raised high expectations of vitalisation and change of political democracy. The major documents stating the central government´s current intentions with regard to developing are all in favour of placing the new technology in the service of democracy, and in the municipalities a majority of the most important political decision-makers - the chairs of the municipal executive boards - are in favour of many of the proposals put forward in the debate. Political action, on the other hand, often speaks a different language. To a great extent, the step from intentions to actual initiatives may be described as a development from two-way communication to one-way information; from early information to late information; from active end users to passive end users; and from ideological arguments of an interactive or direct democracy to a limited modernisation of indirect democracy. The study recognizes several constraints that institutions impose on action. Local governments trying to make full use of their new digital opportunities are faced with a series of strategic dilemmas or tensions: between different democratic ideals as well as local government ideologies. The way in which local governments seek to balance these compteting pressures or resolve dilemmas is, however, often characterized by limited comparison and ad-hoc processess, without arousing any particular attention at the higher reaches. Without political involvement and strategic decision-making, developments towards digital democracy becomes less a matter of big changes stemming from explicit choices and reforms, and more one of gradual evolution restricted by previous decisions and institutions. Despite many grounds for caution, this study gives some evidence suggesting that "politics as usual" may be altered in a longer time perspective. Reciprocal effects between technology and institutions are not sequential and direct but complex and highly interdependent, forming a new kind of dynamics. Digital technologies are creating new opportunities, pressures and incitaments; influencing attitudes and preferences; and they alter the balance of resources and power among individuals within local governments. This indicates that new technologies may reshape the goals that animate political action, weaken the constraints that institutions impose on action, and thus become a contributory cause for institutional change.

  • 478.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Denk, Thomas
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Generationslarmet2017Inngår i: Larmar och gör sig till: SOM-undersökningen 2016 / [ed] Andersson, Ulrika; Ohlsson, Jonas; Oscarsson, Henrik; Oskarson, Maria, Göteborg: SOM-institutet , 2017, s. 155-168Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [sv]

    Finns det ökade motsättningar mellan äldre och yngre i Sverige? Andelen äldre i Sverige ökar med högre kostnader för vård, omsorg och pensioner som följd. Denna utveckling förutsätter att mer resurser omfördelas mellan generationer, vilket kan förväntas öka motsättningarna mellan äldre och yngre. Med detta som bakgrund undersöker kapitlet om människor upplever att motsättningar mellan äldre och yngre ökar i Sverige. Resultaten visar att 32 procent upplever ökade motsättningar mellan generationer, medan 24 procent inte anser att motsättningar ökar. Andelen som upp-lever ökade motsättningar är högre bland lågutbildade än högutbildade. Även personer som anser att allt mindre resurser går till att tillgodose äldres behov upplever i större utsträckning att motsättningarna ökar. Kapitlet visar också att upplevelsen av ökade motsättningar mellan äldre och yngre är oförändrad sedan 2001. Den sammantagna bilden är att Sverige inte präglas av intensiva motsättningar mellan generationer som formar grunden för politiska konfliktlinjer mellan äldre och yngre.

  • 479.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Freschi, Anna-Carola
    University of Bergamo, Bergamo, Italy.
    Montin, Stig
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Electronic and representative democracy: A happy couple?: Comparing online dialogues in the UK, Sweden and Italy2010Inngår i: New forms of citizen participation: Normative implications / [ed] Erik Amnå, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG , 2010, 1, s. 35-51Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 480.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Medborgerligt deltagande och interaktivt beslutsfattande: kontinuitet och förändring inom fysisk planering2009Inngår i: Governance på svenska / [ed] Gun Hedlund, Stig Montin, Stockholm: Santérus Academic Press Sweden , 2009, s. 159-178Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 481.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Urban planners, wired for change?: Understanding elite support for e-participation2007Inngår i: Journal of Information Technology & Politics, ISSN 1933-1681, Vol. 4, nr 2, s. 63-77Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    What do elites really mean when they display positive attitudes toward increased citizen participation via ICTs? Are they aiming for institutional change or the reinforcement of existing institutions? What are the assumptions that underlie and condition support for e-participa-tion? In addressing these questions, this article draws upon a survey questionnaire mapping the support for e-participation in the field of urban planning, targeting the heads of the planning departments in all Swedish local governments in 2006. The results show confusing or conflicting elite attitudes towards participation, supporting as well as challenging the classic normative theories of participatory democracy and communicative planning.

  • 482.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Jonsson, Magnus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Can democratic innovations generate trust?: an e-­petitioning case study2014Konferansepaper (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    Declining trust in representative institutions is considered to be one of the most significant political problems of our time. It is often assumed that democratic innovations or mechanisms that aim to increase and deepen citizen participation in the political decision-making process - can help reversing this trend. However, skeptics claim that any impact on perceived trust is dubious at best. With survey data representing 1,470 e-petitioning participants in Swedish local government, this study aims to empirically assess the relationship between democratic innovations and trust. First we ask whether e-petitioning primarily engage dissatisfied or already satisfied democrats. This is interesting considering that conventional participation usually is biased towards satisfied democrats, while unconventional participation usually is biased towards dissatisfied democrats. How about democratic innovations? Second we ask to what extent the participants´ perceived trust in local government is affected by their participation. Results show that e-petitioning successfully engages both satisfied and dissatisfied democrats, as well as that political participation affects their trust in local government. However, changes in perceived trust vary according to participants’ predisposition toward government.

  • 483.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Jonsson, Magnus
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap.
    Democratic Innovations: Reinforcing or changing perceptions of trust?2017Inngår i: International Journal of Public Administration, ISSN 0190-0692, E-ISSN 1532-4265, Vol. 40, nr 7, s. 575-587Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Declining trust in representative institutions is considered one of the most significant political problems of our time. It is often suggested that democratic innovations—or mechanisms which aim to increase and deepen citizen participation in the political decision-making process—can help reverse this trend. However, empirical research about actual effects of participation on trust is scarce, and weakened by causality problems. With survey data representing 1,470 participants in a landmark Swedish e-petition system, the article shows that both generalized attitudes and process evaluations matter in how trust is affected by democratic innovations.

  • 484.
    Åström, Joachim
    et al.
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap.
    Representativ demokrati 2.0: en utvärdering av Malmöinitiativet och Malmöpanelen2010Rapport (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 485.
    Åström, Linda A.
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Gatekeepers of democracy?: a comparative study of elite support for democracy in Russia and the Baltic States2007Doktoravhandling, monografi (Annet vitenskapelig)
    Abstract [en]

    This study deals with the consolidation of democracy in general and with political support for democracy, in particular. The theoretical reason for observing support for democracy rests on the assumption that this kind of support is a vital factor that will foster (or its absence will obstruct) the development of democracy in the countries analysed in this study, i.e. Russia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. A democratic regime cannot be sustained without legitimacy or popular and/or elite support. The aim of this study is to map and compare political support among local elites in five regions in Russia, using eight regions in the Baltic states as points of references. The major theoretical point of departure is David Easton's identification of three objects of support, namely, the political community, the regime and the authorities. The local elites (political, administrative, civil society, and economic) were surveyed in 1999 and 2000. The analyses show that the elites in Russia, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania generally support the political community, the first object of support in the theoretical model. There are varying degrees of support among the elites for regime values and principles, norms and the regime structure, which constitute the second object of support. And finally, only the Estonian elites could be said to have some support for the authorities, the third object of support. The study also illustrates that support is a multidimensional phenomenon, and the respondents differentiate between diffuse and specific support.

  • 486.
    Öhlén, Mats
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Europeiska partier: deras roll i demokratins tredje omvandling2006Inngår i: Om demoratins villkor: volym 1 / [ed] Mats Ekström et al., Örebro: Örebro universitet , 2006, 1, s. 93-115Kapittel i bok, del av antologi (Annet vitenskapelig)
  • 487.
    Östgren Gustafson, Daniel
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Förtroendeklyftan: politiskt deltagande och förtroende i Europa och Sverige2007Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to study causes for the lack of political trust in Europe and especially in Sweden. The essay starts with a presentation of two theories about the reasons for low political trust. Robert D. Putnam among others presents a theory that gives social capital an important role when viewing the low political trust. As Putnam sees it a person that participates in any kind of organization, political or not, develop trust for other human beings that in the long run affects political trust. Pippa Norris on the other hand is convinced that political trust is connected to the performance of political institutions. She claims that for example corruption is strongly relates to political trust. The citizens of a country in which corruption is common will not trust politicians as much as the citizens in a nation where corruption is lower. In this essay, I present the current levels of trust in politicians and parliament in the countries that participate in the cross-national public opinion survey European social Survey (ESS). The investigation shows that Denmark, Finland and Switzerland have got the highest levels of political trust and that Poland, Czech Republic and Portugal have got the lowest. My analysis shows that neither gender nor age makes any difference in political trust. The comparison between political trust and participation leads to the conclusion that citizens that participate in politics have more political trust irrespective of which kind of organization they participate in. I also compare political trust and a corruption index. That comparison shows that a high level of corruption is related to a lowlevel of political trust.

  • 488.
    Östlund, Camilla
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Klimatfrågan i dagspressen: En analys av den bild svenska dagstidningar förmedlar genom sina ledarartiklar när det gäller klimatförändringarna2005Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Climate Change in the Daily Press

    An Analysis of the Representation Swedish Daily Papers Convey Through Their Editorials About the Climate Change

    The purpose of this essay is partly to present how swedish daily papers describe the climate change through their editorials and partly to examine if their politcal affiliation effect their point of view about the climate change. The search incluedes editorials from 6 daily papers (Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Göteborgstidningen, Nerikes Allehanda and Svenska Dagbladet) from the year 1997 to the year 2003. Three discourses and the order between them, found by a former analysis (Adger and others, 2001) of the international politics of climate change, are used as types of ideal in a form of an analysis of idea.

    The analysis reveals that the swedish daily papers don’t give the problem any major attention. Only a total of 65 editorials about the climate change could be found even though the papers produces several thousands during the period. Most attention occurs at the years 2000 and 2001, both are years of conflicts and demands on taking up a stand in important questions. Further the analysis shows that the representation of climate change in the editorials is being in accordance with the three discourses, and it also reproduce the order between them. The majority of the daily papers, 3 papers, dominates by the manegerial discourse, the challenger, the profligacy discourse, dominate 2 papers and the denial discourse dominate only 1 paper.

    When it comes to the political aspect the konservative paper is, as presumed, the one and only that dominates by the denial discourse and the social democratic paper dominates by the profligacy discourse, also as presumed. However, the liberal papers do not confirm the presumption of them all being dominated by the manegerial discourse. Three of them are, but one is dominated by the profligacy discourse. The reason is presumably the difference between traditional liberalism and neoliberalism.

    Keyword: climate change, discourse, daily press, editorial, Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter, Expressen, Göteborgstidningen, Nerikes Allehanda, Svenska Dagbladet, the manegerial discourse, the profligacy discourse, the denial discourse.

  • 489.
    Östlund, Camilla
    Örebro universitet, Samhällsvetenskapliga institutionen.
    Medborgardialog i Rasbobygden: En fallstudie i Uppsala kommun2006Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 poäng / 15 hpOppgave
    Abstract [en]

    ABSTRACT

    Citizendialogue in the District of Rasbo

    A Case Study in the Municipality of Uppsala

    Author: Camilla Östlund

    Supervisor: Stig Montin

    The essay is written inside the scope of Örebro Universitys evaluation of the new organisation in the municipality of Uppsala.

    The purpose of this essay is to study the citizendialogue in the district of Rasbo. This will be done partly by an examination of how the participants themselves

    perceive citizendialogue. Their descriptions are put in relation to deliberative democracy and its critics amongst other. Partly by study how those involved have choosen to put it into practice. The opponents of the reorganization chose to start a non-profit association, Rasbo in co-operation, to carry on local mobilization and it will be compared with other similar groups. The municipality of Uppsala arranged a citizens forum in the district of Rasbo and the essay will examine how the participants experienced it.

    The study is based upon a total of 19 semistructured interviews with politicians and officials in the municipality of Uppsala and also working members of Rasbo in co-operation.

    The overall result of the analysis is that the politicians and the officials as well as the members of the association support the form of actions that endorse the representative system and look att citizendialogue as a tool to regenerate it and make it better. Rasbo in co-operation has almost everything in common with similar groups including a contradictory view on politics. The association has the important requirements for local mobilization, dedicated people, a positive collective identity and a constructive relation to the municipality. The participants of the citizens forum liked the way the forum was arranged and enjoyed the evening. But there was some problem between the unicipality and the association in connection with the preliminaries before the event. There is also some deficiency in the follow-up.

    Keyword: local democracy, citizendialogue, deliberative democracy, local mobilization, citizens forum, Uppsala, Rasbo, Rasbokil, Stavby, Tuna.

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