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  • 1.
    Abdelzadeh, Ali
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Transcending dichotomies: The many faces of youth dissatisfaction in democracy2014Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In the recent scholarly debates over changing citizenship attitudes and norms in advanced democracies, especially when it comes to rising levels of political dissatisfaction, opinion about the political role of young people is divided. For some scholars, they represent a driving force behind the development of new kinds of citizenship values, and constitute an asset to the functioning of political systems. For others, they pose a potential threat to the health of representative democracy, because of their increasing levels of dissatisfaction and civic disengagement. By contrast with these two competing approaches, this dissertation advances the argument that a more balanced view of young people’s political activities is called for. Adopting a quantitative approach, it aims therefore to contribute to better theoretical and empirical understanding of young people’s political dissatisfaction, and to explain their role in a democratic society. Considering different aspects of dissatisfaction, the current dissertation contributes to previous research in significant ways. Among others things, it adds to our knowledge by showing empirically that, in terms of political dissatisfaction, young people constitute a heterogeneous group, with different political roles and profiles, ranging from the healthy to the more threatening. Moreover, it contributes to previous research by highlighting the crucial role played by fair teachers in providing linkages between young citizens and the wider political system. All in all, the findings in the current dissertation have implications for the ongoing debate over the role and significance of young people in the functioning of democratic systems, and also for political socialization research.

    List of papers
    1. Understanding critical citizenship and other forms of public dissatisfaction: an alternative framework
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Understanding critical citizenship and other forms of public dissatisfaction: an alternative framework
    2012 (English)In: Politics, Culture and Socialization, ISSN 1866-3427, E-ISSN 2196-1417, Vol. 3, no 1-2, p. 179-196Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of 'critical citizens'. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens' attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.

    Keywords
    Critical citizens, political dissatisfaction, political disaffection, negative political orientations, political attitudes, youths
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-27846 (URN)
    Projects
    PSP, Political Socialisation Program
    Available from: 2013-03-04 Created: 2013-03-04 Last updated: 2018-05-12Bibliographically approved
    2. Dissatisfied citizens: an asset or a burden in democratic functioning of a society?
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Dissatisfied citizens: an asset or a burden in democratic functioning of a society?
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Past research has shown that, whereas the majority of people in democracies support the idea of democracy as a form of governance, some citizens are dissatisfied with the democratic institutions and the way democracy performs. In this paper, we examined democratic characteristics of dissatisfied youths to understand the role they play in the democratic functioning of a society. Based on youth’s dissatisfaction with the performance of political institutions and the principles of democracy, we identified four groups distinct of citizens. Then, we compared these groups in terms of their political engagement, knowledge and interest, values and attitudes, and law breaking attitudes. The results showed that youths with high levels of principle- and performance-driven dissatisfaction were less likely to participate in politics, less knowledgeable and interested in political issues, and more likely to break the laws, even if people got hurt compared to other three groups. In contrast, youths who were only dissatisfied with the performance of democratic institutions were more likely to participate in politics, and have higher humanistic values and tolerance towards immigrants. By examining distinct groups of dissatisfied citizens and their democratic characteristics, the current study contributes to the general debate on the role of dissatisfied citizens in democracies.

    Keywords
    dissatisfied citizen, critical citizen, performance-driven dissatisfaction, principledriven dissatisfaction, democracy, attitudes to law-breaking
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35330 (URN)
    Available from: 2014-06-11 Created: 2014-06-11 Last updated: 2017-10-17Bibliographically approved
    3. The impact of political conviction on the relation between winning or losing and political dissatisfaction: findings from Sweden
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The impact of political conviction on the relation between winning or losing and political dissatisfaction: findings from Sweden
    2014 (English)In: SAGE Open, ISSN 2158-2440, E-ISSN 2158-2440, Sage Open, ISSN ISSN 2158-2440, Vol. 4, no 2Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Election outcomes, or more specifically belonging to a political minority or majority, have a significant impact on citizens’ attitudes toward the political system and political involvement. This study aims to broaden our understanding in these regards by taking into account the effects of people’s political convictions on the relation between belonging to a political minority or majority and their dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system. Using a person-oriented approach, four groups of citizens were identified on the basis of their attachment to political parties. The group of people who were not politically attached to any of the political parties were the most dissatisfied, whereas supporters of parties in government were the least dissatisfied. Moreover, supporters of opposition parties who had high levels of political conviction were more dissatisfied than supporters of opposition parties who had lower levels of political conviction. Overall, the findings of this study show that it is crucial to take into account the individual characteristics of citizens when studying the relations between election outcomes and political attitudes.

    Keywords
    political dissatisfaction, political attachment, election outcomes, political conviction, political minority, political majority
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35056 (URN)10.1177/2158244014535414 (DOI)
    Available from: 2014-05-15 Created: 2014-05-15 Last updated: 2017-12-05Bibliographically approved
    4. Procedural fairness and political trust among young people: evidence from a panel study on Swedish high school students
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Procedural fairness and political trust among young people: evidence from a panel study on Swedish high school students
    2015 (English)In: Acta Politica, ISSN 0001-6810, E-ISSN 1741-1416, Vol. 50, no 3, p. 253-278Article in journal (Other academic) Published
    Abstract [en]

    The role of ‘fair’ institutions in developing democratic legitimacy has received increased attention. Citizens who perceive – on basis of past experiences – that they are being treated fairly by authorities have been held to have greater trust in political institutions. However, previous studies on the relationship between procedural fairness and political trust have not paid sufficient attention to individuals with limited first-hand experiences of authorities. We examine the relationship on an authority that virtually all individuals meet early in life: the school. Using structural equation modeling on unique panel data covering 1,500 Swedish adolescents (ages ranging from 13 to 17), we find a reciprocal relationship: personal encounters with school authorities shape young people’s political trust; however, the images that adolescents get of the political system (through family, peers, media, etc.) have also consequences on their perceptions about the authorities they encounter in their daily lives. The analysis increases our understanding of how individuals form their political allegiances by showing that the relationship between fairness and trust is more dynamic than has previously been suggested: neither an accumulated set of experiences of authorities nor formal ties with political institutions (as voters, etc.) are required for a relationship to emerge. 

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Palgrave Macmillan Ltd., 2015
    Keywords
    Procedural fairness, political trust, reciprocal, school, adolescents, Sweden, structural equation modeling
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35331 (URN)10.1057/ap.2014.22 (DOI)000359176500001 ()
    Note

    This study was made possible by access to data from the Political Socialization Program, a longitudinal research program at YeS (Youth & Society) at Örebro University, Sweden. Responsible for the planning, implementation, and financing of the collection of data in this project were Professors Erik Amnå, Mats Ekström, Margaret Kerr, and Håkan Stattin. The data collection was supported by grants from the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation. Moreover, the participation of Pär Zetterberg in the writing of this study was made possible by a grant from the Swedish Research Council.

    Available from: 2014-06-11 Created: 2014-06-11 Last updated: 2017-12-05Bibliographically approved
  • 2.
    Adenskog, Magnus
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Democratic innovations in political systems: towards a systemic approach2018Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    There are many indicators that the representative democratic system is currently facing serious legitimacy challenges. Two central indicators of these challenges are changing patterns of political participation and a decline in system support. Against this backdrop, a growing number of governments claim that democratic innovations (DIs) could reconnect institutions with citizens. This thesis focuses on online DIs implemented in real political contexts, and the overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the emergent empirical scholarship on how DIs can influence political systems. In the last two decades, most empirical studies in the field have analysed DIs at the micro level.

    This thesis takes a different stance by posing system-related research questions to the implementation of DIs and, by doing so, showing how DIs are interrelated with, rather than isolated from, the political system and that DIs can influence political systems. The thesis consists of one literature review and three empirical case studies, applying a multiple methodological approach. Its novelty lies in three main empirical findings that contribute to the development of the field. First, it shows that participation in DIs can influence citizens’ perceived trust towards local political institutions. In addition, the results suggest that predispositions and prior engagement mediate the direction of change in trust amongst citizens. Secondly, the results show that DIs can perform different political functions, such as facilitating spaces for citizens to provide original ideas and deliberation, while also having an agenda-setting function. Thirdly, the result suggest that long-term institutional change is complex and that the implementation of DIs can create a situation in which civil servants and politicians perceive their organisation to be in some ‘state of flux’, as they are torn between two competing institutional logics. In conclusion, this thesis should be understood as a piece in a broader movement that works towards a systemic approach to the study of DIs, and that by showing these empirical findings, the thesis contributes to deepening our understanding of what influences and functions DIs can have in political systems.

    List of papers
    1. The Challenges for Online Deliberation Research: A Literature Review
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Challenges for Online Deliberation Research: A Literature Review
    2014 (English)In: International Journal of E-Politics, ISSN 1947-9131, E-ISSN 1947-914X, Vol. 5, no 1Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    While pure deliberation has still not been found online, the field of online deliberation research is blossoming. Born out of the “frustrations and possibilities” of the 1990s, a current theme in the field is to re-link deliberative theory with empirical political science. The aim of this systematic literature review is to sort out and examine important features of this development; to identify and categorise important research themes and issues as well as to pinpoint some research gaps. Using citation analysis as a method for article selection, 788 abstracts were retrieved and out of these, 130 items were chosen for further analysis. First the review shows that researchers from several different disciplines are involved in the field and that these researchers are studying online deliberation in a variety of arenas aided by a wide range of methods. Second the review reveals that the field struggles with a highly diversified concept of deliberation; that newer theoretical developments are underutilised in the operationalisation of theoretical concepts for empirical analyses, and that it there is a rather low degree of cumulativity in the field. Finally, more attention is paid on deliberation per se, rather than the political and democratic consequences of deliberation.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    IGI Global, 2014
    Keywords
    Deliberation, internet, deliberative democracy, literature review, online deliberation
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32418 (URN)10.4018/ijep.2014010101 (DOI)
    Available from: 2013-11-15 Created: 2013-11-15 Last updated: 2018-09-26Bibliographically approved
    2. Democratic Innovations in Deliberative Systems: the Case of the Estonian Citizens’ Assembly Process
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Democratic Innovations in Deliberative Systems: the Case of the Estonian Citizens’ Assembly Process
    2015 (English)In: Journal of Public Deliberation, ISSN 1937-2841, E-ISSN 1937-2841, Vol. 11, no 1, article id 7Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    With the proliferation and application of democratic innovations around the world, the empirical study of deliberative and participatory processes has shifted from small-scale environments and experiments to real-life political processes on a large scale. With this shift, there is also a need to explore new theoretical approaches in order to understand current developments. Instead of analyzing democratic innovations in isolation, the recent ‘systemic turn’ in the field encourages us to broaden our perspective and evaluate democratic innovations as complementary parts of a political system.

    This paper will draw upon a qualitative case study, based on interview and supported by survey data, of the ‘Estonian Citizens’ Assembly Process’ (ECA), in order to operationalize the systemic approach to deliberative democracy and illustrate how this can be applied to an analysis of democratic innovations.

    The ECA spanned more than a year (November 2012 to April 2014) and covered three political arenas: the public sphere, democratic innovations and representative institutions. The systemic analysis highlights the deliberative strengths and weaknesses of arenas and institutions, and illuminates how various arenas and democratic innovations did and did not complement one another in the creation of a deliberative process. The systemic analysis offers two possible interpretations of the ECA. The more affirmative interpretation is it constituted a deliberative system, as it did perform the three main functions fulfilled by different arenas and institutions. The more critical interpretation is that the ECA partly failed to be a deliberative system, due to social domination and decoupling of institutions.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    International Association for Public Participation, 2015
    Keywords
    Democratic innovations, deliberative systems, crowdsourcing, ICTs, deliberative democracy
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-39681 (URN)
    Available from: 2014-12-15 Created: 2014-12-15 Last updated: 2018-09-26Bibliographically approved
    3. Democratic Innovations: Reinforcing or changing perceptions of trust?
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Democratic Innovations: Reinforcing or changing perceptions of trust?
    2017 (English)In: International Journal of Public Administration, ISSN 0190-0692, E-ISSN 1532-4265, Vol. 40, no 7, p. 575-587Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Declining trust in representative institutions is considered one of the most significant political problems of our time. It is often suggested that democratic innovations—or mechanisms which aim to increase and deepen citizen participation in the political decision-making process—can help reverse this trend. However, empirical research about actual effects of participation on trust is scarce, and weakened by causality problems. With survey data representing 1,470 participants in a landmark Swedish e-petition system, the article shows that both generalized attitudes and process evaluations matter in how trust is affected by democratic innovations.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Taylor & Francis, 2017
    Keywords
    Citizen participation; democratic innovations; e-petitions; public trust
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-48957 (URN)10.1080/01900692.2016.1162801 (DOI)000415699700004 ()2-s2.0-84978523941 (Scopus ID)
    Projects
    Building pervasive participation
    Funder
    Swedish Research Council Formas
    Available from: 2016-03-04 Created: 2016-03-04 Last updated: 2018-09-26Bibliographically approved
    4. After the Equilibrium: Democratic Innovations and Long-term Institutional Development in the City of Reykjavik
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>After the Equilibrium: Democratic Innovations and Long-term Institutional Development in the City of Reykjavik
    2018 (English)In: Analyse & Kritik. Zeitung für linke Debatte und Praxis, ISSN 0171-5860, E-ISSN 2365-9858, Vol. 40, no 1, p. 31-53Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Although democratic innovations (DIs) are spread all over the world, there is little research on the institutional outcomes of implementing such innovations in governmental organisations. To remedy this, it is important to focus on cases where DIs have been implemented and formally connected to the policymaking process over a longer period. Reykjavik provides such a case. Drawing on observations and interviews with key stakeholders over a period of three years, this study analyses how the institutional logic of DIs influenced the local government in Reykjavik. The study presents two conclusions: First, it is clear that one equilibrium (representative democracy) has not been replaced by another (participatory democracy). Second, there is no peaceful co-existence between the two, but instead the outcome is an organisation in ‘a state of flux’. There are several factors contributing to this outcome, but three stand out: a populist power-shift, dissatisfaction with theworking of the implemented DIs and deliberative ambiguity. In the final part of the article, the institutional outcome is discussed in relation to overall consequences for the political system.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Lucius und Lucius Verlagsgesellschaft, 2018
    Keywords
    Democratic innovations, ICT, local government, institutional logics
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-69066 (URN)10.1515/auk-2018-0002 (DOI)2-s2.0-85048634224 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2018-09-26 Created: 2018-09-26 Last updated: 2018-11-19Bibliographically approved
  • 3.
    Andersson, Ann-Catrin
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Identity politics and city planning: the case of Jerusalem2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Jerusalem is the declared capital of Israel, fundamental to Jewish tradition, and a contested city, part of the Israel–Palestine conflict. Departing from an analysis of mainly interviews and policy documents, this study aims to analyze the interplay between the Israeli identity politics of Jerusalem and city planning. The role of the city is related to discursive struggles between traditional, new, and post-Zionism. One conclusion is that the Israeli claim to the city is firmly anchored in a master commemorative narrative stating that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. A second conclusion is that there is a constant interplay between Israeli identity politics, city policy, and planning practice, through specific strategies of territoriality. The goals of the strategies are to create a political, historical and religious, ethnic, economic, and exclusive capital. Planning policies are mainly focused on uniting the city through housing projects in East Jerusalem, rehabilitating historic heritage, ancestry, and landscapes, city center renewal, demographic balance, and economic growth, mainly through tourism and industrial development. An analysis of coping strategies shows that Jerusalem planners relate to identity politics by adopting a self-image of being professional, and by blaming the planning system for opening up to ideational impact. Depending on the issue, a planner adopts a reactive role as a bureaucrat or an expert, or an active role, such mobilizer or an advocate. One conclusion drawn from the “Safdie Plan” process is that traditional Zionism and the dominant collective planning doctrine are being challenged. An alliance of environmental movements, politicians from left and right, and citizens, mobilized a campaign against the plan that was intended to develop the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The rejection of the plan challenged the established political leadership, it opened up for an expansion to the east, and strengthened Green Zionism, but the result is also a challenge to the housing needs of Jerusalem.

  • 4.
    Andersson, Renée
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Gender mainstreaming as feminist politics: A critical analysis of the pursuit of gender equality in Swedish local government2018Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Gender mainstreaming is often described as a strategy to increase gender equality in states and other institutions and/or to make them more gender aware. It should however be considered a contested concept, and the aim of this thesis is to produce a critical perspective and empirical knowledge about whether, and if so how, gender mainstreaming contributes to a more (gender) equal society. The production of gender mainstreaming as gender equality policy is investigated, using both feminist new institutionalism and discourse theory.

    The study investigates whether, and if so how, gender mainstreaming is facilitating new public management by transforming the ambitions of feminist politics into a neoliberal strategy adapted for public administration.

    The case examined in this study is a local government gender mainstreaming project conducted in a municipality in Sweden. The case also includes vertical and horizontal outlooks and is categorized as a critical case. To study "what is not there" in the empirical material, the concepts of silences and silencing are used as both theoretical and methodological tools.

    The thesis shows that gender mainstreaming produces a gender equality policy that is disconnected from political parties, and that gender mainstreaming becomes a common good. This, I argue, produces a non-political politics, which includes a governing technique that privileges political consensus, articulated in terms of non-conflict and win-win.

    The thesis identifies a conflation between gender mainstreaming, as a strategy, with the policy objective of gender equality. Gender mainstreaming did not create space for addressing gender-based violence, or include the voice of the women’s movement, from which it can be concluded that gender mainstreaming does not contribute to feminist politics. This could have societal consequences and can influence, or even hinder, actual political change.

    List of papers
    1. The myth of Sweden’s success: A deconstructive reading of the discourses in gender mainstreaming texts
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The myth of Sweden’s success: A deconstructive reading of the discourses in gender mainstreaming texts
    2018 (English)In: The European Journal of Women's Studies, ISSN 1350-5068, E-ISSN 1461-7420, Vol. 25, no 4, p. 455-469Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates discourses of Sweden's success in gender mainstreaming. Using the theoretical concept of myth, discourse analysis is performed on different categories of texts (including academic texts, grey papers and official reports). The aim is to analyse how this discourse of success is constructed and to increase the understanding of its components. The themes identified in the reading include adaptation, integration, volume and initiatives. In conclusion, it is argued that a conflation of gender mainstreaming (viewed as a strategy) with gender equality (as a policy objective) has been a vital part of the construction of Sweden as the best case of gender mainstreaming.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Sage Publications, 2018
    Keywords
    Discourse, gender equality, gender mainstreaming, myth, Sweden
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies) Gender Studies
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-65904 (URN)10.1177/1350506817743531 (DOI)000447562100005 ()2-s2.0-85055159833 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2018-03-20 Created: 2018-03-20 Last updated: 2018-11-01Bibliographically approved
    2. Learning from Gender Mainstreaming Education: Limitations of Education as a Policy Objective
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Learning from Gender Mainstreaming Education: Limitations of Education as a Policy Objective
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    Keywords
    Gender mainstreaming, governmentality, public administration
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-65905 (URN)
    Available from: 2018-03-20 Created: 2018-03-20 Last updated: 2018-03-20Bibliographically approved
    3. The Question of Feminism in Gender Mainstreaming: A Case of Non-conflict in Local Politics
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The Question of Feminism in Gender Mainstreaming: A Case of Non-conflict in Local Politics
    2015 (English)In: NORA: Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research, ISSN 0803-8740, E-ISSN 1502-394X, Vol. 23, no 3, p. 203-219Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This article discusses gender equality and how and why a gender mainstreaming strategy avoids the question of gender conflict. The making of gender-equality work is studied by investigating how feminism is talked about and rejected in a specific gender mainstreaming project in the municipality of Örebro, Sweden. Drawing upon the theoretical concepts of hegemony and discourse, the focus is on the silences—the unspoken questions and problems—surrounding the project. I examine how the exclusion of feminism and conflict is articulated when gender mainstreaming is introduced as a new way of doing gender-equality work in the municipality. The struggles identified show that feminism is rejected because it is seen as being in opposition to (1) professionalism and (2) legitimate political issues. I conclude that within the local discourse of gender mainstreaming there is a notion that this form of gender-equality work ought to be performed without harmful or threatening gender conflicts. This means that the strategy of gender mainstreaming constitutes a short-cut to bypass controversial problems like equal treatment, special efforts for women, and men's privileges in gender-equality work.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Taylor & Francis, 2015
    Keywords
    gender mainstreaming
    National Category
    Political Science Gender Studies
    Research subject
    Political Science; Gender Studies
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-46762 (URN)10.1080/08038740.2015.1066443 (DOI)000359906300005 ()2-s2.0-84938788637 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2015-11-24 Created: 2015-11-24 Last updated: 2018-03-20Bibliographically approved
    4. Att göra kön i kommunal politik: lokala variationer av gender mainstreaming och kvinnofrid
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Att göra kön i kommunal politik: lokala variationer av gender mainstreaming och kvinnofrid
    2014 (Swedish)In: Tidskrift för Genusvetenskap, ISSN 1654-5443, E-ISSN 2001-1377, Vol. 35, no 2-3, p. 55-80Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Karlstad: Karlstads universitet, 2014
    National Category
    Gender Studies
    Research subject
    Gender Studies
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-38523 (URN)
    Available from: 2014-11-11 Created: 2014-11-11 Last updated: 2018-03-20Bibliographically approved
  • 5.
    Bal, Zelal
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Pro-kurdiska politiska motståndsstrategier i Turkiet: en diskursiv analys2014Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis focuses on pro-kurdish activism in Turkey during 2005–2009. It is based on a large number of interviews conducted with activists within the Diyarbakır area. The form of activism that this study seeks to describe is civil and political activism conducted within the legal framework ofTurkey’s judicial system and international law.The purpose of this thesis is to examine what kind of resistance strategies are used by pro-Kurdish political activists in Turkey, focusing on how these strategies are reflected in the language used by the respondents. The main question posed in the thesis is: What resistance strategies are used within the pro-Kurdish movement in Turkey? Two additional questions were also posed in order to make it possible to answer the main question. The first of these is: What external conditions influence pro-Kurdish mobilization in Turkey during the study’s time frame? In order to answer this question a theoretical framework is used that includes theories about ethnopolitical mobilization and political opportunity structures. The second question is: What resistance strategies are reflected in the language used by the pro-Kurdish activists?An important resistance strategy used by the pro-Kurdish activists is to adapt the language used in public communication to the legal and political environment in which they find themselves. They make linguistic choices in order to convey political messages while minimizing the legal consequences of doing so. The resistance strategies reflected in the interviews with the activists also include efforts to build organizations and cooperations at different levels, ranging from the international to the local level. Resistance strategies also include choices regarding what medium and language to use in promoting pro-Kurdish politics.

  • 6.
    Blomqvist, Alexander
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Krantz, Petter
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Björkbacka, Hannes
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Att fånga en föränderlig värld: En utredning av omvärldsanalysens nuläge och utvecklingspotential inom Regionförbundet Örebro2012Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The first aim of this thesis is to descriptively identify and chart the activities of the strategic intelligence and environmental scanning that take place at the regional collaboration network Regionförbundet Örebro. This identification is essential in reaching the comprehensive and primary aim of the thesis: to discuss, through normative discourse, what the options of improvement are and in which ways systematic operations can be integrating parts in the organization. In order to offer guidance of development from the perspectives of environmental scanning, the question at issue has emanated from activities concerning the present methods of working at Regionförbundet Örebro.During the creation of this thesis, several interviews have been made with people who are regarded to be key roles within the regional collaboration network. An analysis has been made, based on governing documents and answers from the interviews, where possible improvements of the business have been identified. The inferences become parts of a greater potential of amelioration since they are presented as active solutions and proposals that can be directly adaptable to the organization.Our proposals of improvements/ameliorations are constituted by a number of concrete/explicit points such as: a wider public information supply and an introduction of several annual routines and methods.

  • 7.
    Bonander, Fredrik
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Party membership and state subsidies: a comparative study2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis tests the hypothesis that increasing state subsidies to political parties cause a declined party membership. The theory that predicted this development was constructed by Epstein in 1967 and presented in his book Political Parties in Western Democracies. The theoretical propositions have been debated by political scientists since then, but no thorough test has been conducted.  In order to test the hypothesis state subsidies data and party membership data was collected for the national parties from eight states. The data was then analysed by use of the panel data models. Panel data models make use of the regression analysis technique. Examples of specialized such models are analysis through the fundamental parameter of change, first differencing and pooled analysis. The results provided by the models proved to not give a straight answer. Instead, the results pointed in different directions.  The most likely interpretation of the results is that increasing state subsidies to political parties does not cause a decline in party membership. To validate such a result would require that most of the results pointed in the same direction. Thus, the hypothesis of the investigation should be considered falsified. Instead the focus of future studies should probably be directed at the supply side of party membership. When party membership decline is explained by the supply side this means that the decline is explained by people stop having motive to become party members. However, it is important to remember that other interpretations of the results are possible as well.

  • 8.
    Brikell, Berndt H.
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Negotiating the international waste trade: a discourse analysis2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study investigates the historic development of the management of the international hazardous waste (HW) trade problem, between 1972 and 2000. The method used in the study is discourse analysis, and it is undertaken through the usage of two different perspectives. The first deals with the research question: 'What kind of discourse is produced?' The second relates to Foucault's question: 'What kind of an actor is produced?' A third question is added: 'What kind of global environmental discourse is created?'

    These questions are considered during eleven international negotiations. In the first part of the study the discursive development is scrutinised and in the second the actors interaction with the HW-trade discourse is in focus. The empirical material comes from literature, documents, interviews and direct observations.

    The result of the early development in this area was a discourse that created the OECD-system for HW-trade. This system was expanded to a global level with the Basel Conference in 1989. The resulting convention was based on regulation of the HW-trade. This order of things was challenged and was later 'changed' by an amendment to the convention. This amendment demanded a total ban on the HW-exports from developed to developing states. In the end of the studied period it has been argued that the HW-trade ought to be a part of the World Trade Organization (WTO) dominated free trade discourse.

    The result of the study's second part show that no state is powerful enough to enforce its will upon the others in this issue area. In 1989, when the Basel Convention was negotiated, it was made possible because various actors operated in a coherent manner and that the most important actors supported the draft convention that the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) had been promoting during two years of prenegotiations. Changes of substance are made possible through this type of discourse coalition. The ban amendment was enforced by a similar but less powerful discourse coalition. The 'real' changes are rare though.

  • 9.
    Bro, Anders
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Från hälsovård till miljöskydd: en historisk institutionell analys av kommunal ansvarsutveckling2000Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Modern central-local relations are in general characterised by decentralisation in nearly all policy fields, with growing demands for local adjustment and direct democracy. At the same time, the political parties are criticised of trying to implement environmental politics in the municipalities, which are strongly characterised by national goals and strategies. The aim of this study is to describe and analyse changes in the responsibility distribution between the state and the municipalities in a historical perspective with a focus on two environmentally oriented policy areas - health protection and environmental protection , and seek to understand and explain why these changes occur.

    The fundamental explanatory approach of the thesis is historical institutionalism, a combined actor-structure approach which presumes that institutions and ideas are expected to institutionalise certain central-local relations over time. The study is based upon the assumption that changes in municipal responsibility are presumed to happen slowly, but at certain formative moments, actors carry through fundamental changes. The study shows that health protection, from the end of the 19th century, has had a tradition of local responsibility. When environmental politics appeared on the political agenda during the 1960ies the political debate resulted in a centralised organisation, which however changed and the municipalities were gradually given a more active and important role. It is shown that general state and municipal ideas, as well as policy specific ideas and the already established responsibility distribution between the state and the municipalities have institutionalised the municipal responsibility development in certain ways. The formative moments do not crystallise automatically, but depend on what approach we adopt, and what we characterise as fundamental and incrementalistic changes.

  • 10.
    Brundin, Pia
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Politics on the net: NGO practices and experiences2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study investigates how different kinds of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), operating in different national political contexts, perceive and use the Internet as a political space. The political space concept, as defined here, encompasses two dimensions of Internet use: one external, where organisations use the Internet for online activism and campaigning, and one internal, signifying organisational use of the Internet to promote engagement and interactivity with members and/or supporters. Another question raised is whether Internet use for political purposes by NGOs varies between different national political contexts. Moreover, do the organisations believe that the Internet has affected their political influence to any extent? The empirical data consist of the results of two surveys, one directed primarily to American NGOs, the other explicitly comparative, analysing NGOs in Sweden and the USA. Furthermore, content analyses of NGO websites have been conducted and additive indexes constructed. The findings of the study suggest that, overall, the Internet is most important to the studied organisations as a space for external political initiatives. There were, however, important differences in this regard, which could be related to the organisations’ national political contexts. For example, the American NGOs have oriented their websites primarily towards relatively superficial forms of member involvement, while the Swedish NGOs provided more interactive grassroots features on their websites. Regarding political influence, the Internet arguably has the potential to make the most dramatic difference by reinforcing the organisations’ offline political activities. The present results indicate that, despite the possible converging effect of the Internet on NGO political activism, national political culture exerts an inescapable influence on how the Internet is used as a political space by the studied organisations.

  • 11.
    Chatty, Meriam
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Migranternas medborgarskap: EU:s medborgarskapande från Romförhandlingarna till idag2015Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 12.
    Dahl, Viktor
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Breaking the law: adolescents' involvement in illegal political activitiy2014Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Illegal political activity has always been part of a democratic society. Despite this, not much is known about young people’s involvement in these political activities. Research portrays political influence attempts of this kind in different terms; as troublesome for the democratic political system, as expressions of conscious decisions vital for humanity’s future, and yet other times as illustrations of a coming-of-age rebellion. Overall there is a lack of collective knowledge on illegal political activity, and especially in adolescence – the age period when these political activities seem to peak.

    The aim of this dissertation is therefore to enhance knowledge of involvement in illegal political activity in adolescence. This dissertation addresses this task in four empirical studies. Results show that mostly boys engage politically with illegal political means. Adolescents involved are also interested in politics, believe in their own abilities to take part in political activities, have long-term political goals, and approve of violent political tactics. In addition, these activities also seem to associate with a challenge of authority. This could be seen in how political dissatisfaction was translated into illegal political activity, and in the way these activities seemed to be reactions to a non legitimized parental authority. Besides authority challenges, these activities are likely the result of important peer relations; influences from peers with experiences of illegal political activity seem to be a most probable answer to why adolescents adopt these political means. Taken together, the results of this dissertation show that adolescents involved in illegal political activity are well-equipped for political involvement, challenge authorities in most contexts of their lives, and are likely to adopt these political means from already involved peers.

    List of papers
    1. Beyond the limits: involvement in illegal political activities
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Beyond the limits: involvement in illegal political activities
    2014 (English)In: European Political Science Review, ISSN 1755-7739, E-ISSN 1755-7747Article in journal (Refereed) Submitted
    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Cambridge University Press, 2014
    Keywords
    illegal political activities, legal political activities, adolescence, attitudes toward breaking the law to change society
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-34027 (URN)
    Note

    Artikeln är publicerad

    Dahl, V., & Stattin, H. (2016). Beyond the limits : involvement in illegal political activities. European Political Science Review, 8(1), 125–145. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1755773914000435

    Available from: 2014-03-03 Created: 2014-03-03 Last updated: 2019-04-11Bibliographically approved
    2. The origins of adolescents’ involvement in illegal political activities: a function of demographic background, political dissatisfaction, affective commitment, or political
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The origins of adolescents’ involvement in illegal political activities: a function of demographic background, political dissatisfaction, affective commitment, or political
    2013 (English)In: Politics, Culture and Socialization, ISSN 1866-3427, E-ISSN 2196-1417, Vol. 4, no 2, p. 201-225Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Although great steps have been made to understand young people’s political participation in general, one dimension that remains understudied is involvement in illegal political activity. With data for 2,012 Swedish teenagers, surveyed annually for two years, this study begins to bridge this gap by examining the extent to which demographic background, political dissatisfaction, affective commitment, and political communication explain adolescents’ involvement in subsequent illegal political activity. Analyses confirmed that boys were more inclined than girls to illegal political activity, as were adolescents with higher levels of perceived lack of system responsiveness. When in simultaneous examination with these two factors, affective commitments and political communication did not predict involvement in illegal political activity at the second measurement. In sum, findings suggested that gender and dissatisfaction explain the origins of adolescents’ use of illegal political activity.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Verlag Barbara Budrich, 2013
    Keywords
    illegal political activity, adolescence, demographic background, political dissatisfaction, affective commitment, political communication
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-34028 (URN)
    Available from: 2014-03-03 Created: 2014-03-03 Last updated: 2019-03-26Bibliographically approved
    3. The role of family experiences for adolescents’ readiness to use and participate in illegal political activity
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The role of family experiences for adolescents’ readiness to use and participate in illegal political activity
    2016 (English)In: International Journal of Behavioral Development, ISSN 0165-0254, E-ISSN 1464-0651, Vol. 40, no 1, p. 11-20Article in journal (Other academic) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This study used reactance theory as a starting point to explain what role a perceived undemocratic and controlling family has for adolescents’ attitudes toward illegal political activity. We also examined whether adolescents’ readiness to use illegal political means was related to actual political behavior, which has been lacking in research. Data came from a longitudinal two age-cohort sample of 720 adolescents (MC1 = 13.44; MC2 = 16.62) collected in a mid-sized city in Sweden. Results showed that adolescents who perceived their families as undemocratic and controlling increased in readiness to use illegal political means over time. In addition, older adolescents’ attitudes were associated with actual political behavior. This highlights the role a perceived family environment has on adolescents’ political identity development in today’s democratic societies.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Sage Publications, 2016
    Keywords
    Family processes, illegal political activity, political attitudes
    National Category
    Political Science Psychology
    Research subject
    Political Science; Psychology
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-34029 (URN)10.1177/0165025414558854 (DOI)000366603500002 ()2-s2.0-84951275250 (Scopus ID)
    Funder
    Riksbankens Jubileumsfond
    Available from: 2014-03-03 Created: 2014-03-03 Last updated: 2018-02-23Bibliographically approved
    4. Peer networks and the development of illegal political behavior among adolescents
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Peer networks and the development of illegal political behavior among adolescents
    2014 (English)In: Journal of research on adolescence, ISSN 1050-8392, E-ISSN 1532-7795, Vol. 24, no 2, p. 399-409Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This study examined to what extent peer influence explains the development of illegal political behavior controlling for peer selection, legal political peer influence, and gender effects. Late adolescents who filled out questionnaires at two annual measurements were used in a longitudinal social network approach (N = 1006; Mage = 16.62). Results showed that peers’ involvement in illegal political behavior predicted adolescents’ increases in illegal political behavior. Adolescents did not select other peers with similar illegal political behavior. Nevertheless, adolescents selected peers with similar legal political behavior. Findings were discussed in light of a stage process where adolescents initially chose peers with similar legal political behavior. Subsequently, peers influence adolescents on both legal and illegal political behavior.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2014
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-34031 (URN)10.1111/jora.12072 (DOI)000337571500015 ()2-s2.0-84901409973 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2014-03-03 Created: 2014-03-03 Last updated: 2019-03-26Bibliographically approved
  • 13.
    Duvold, Kjetil
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Making sense of Baltic democracy: public support and political representation in nationalising states2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    A chief topic of this book is the advance of democracy in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The three countries belong to the most ‘successful’ cases of transition from communist rule to democracy, demonstrated by the fact that they joined the European Union in 2004. In contrast to other new EU members, the Baltic countries were constituents of the Soviet Union and, thus, had to embark upon state- and nation-building in tandem with democratisation and marketisation. Estonia and Latvia (but to a smaller extent Lithuania) were left with considerable numbers of immigrants from the Soviet period, which prompted the authorities to impose fairly restrictive citizenship laws. One in five Estonian and Latvian remain excluded even after 15 years of independence. This situation has created a great deal of tension, but at least thus far, no political meltdown. The case for imposing strict citizenship requirements centred on the fact that the countries were forced into the Soviet Union, but it was clearly also related to nation-building and fear of Russian influence in determining the path from communist rule. Arguably, democratisation and nation-building are based on different, sometimes even conflicting, logics. Thus, a key question in this book is to what extent – and how – diverging understanding of the political community affects democratic legitimacy.

    Another central task is to determine the strength of the ties between Baltic citizens and the respective political systems – in terms of support for the regimes and the degree of representation of societal interests through political parties. Applying the New Baltic Barometer 1993-2004, the book explores levels of political support among native Baltic citizens and the Russian-speaking minority groups. It reveals that democracy as an ideal enjoys increasing support, but that many Baltic citizens remain unconvinced about the performance of democracy. Corruption and the rule of law are particularly thorny issues in Latvia and Lithuania, while political parties and MPs are widely held in contempt in all three countries. The Russian-speakers appear somewhat more reluctant to embrace the current system, expressing greater enthusiasm for the Soviet system of the past.

    Yet another section explores the nature of political representation and the expression of demands and interests from below, offering a comprehensive examination of the Baltic party systems, including types of parties, issue dimensions, public attitudes to distributional questions, and to what extent parties channel or mirror social interests. An underlying theme is the extent to which the party systems are based on some degree of cleavage structures, or if questions of identity and nationality eclipse social interests or, alternatively, if Baltic politics at heart is driven by strong personalities rather than interest politics.

    Finally, the book presents the case for a specific pattern of ‘Baltic democracy’, marked by divided political communities, ambiguous mass-elite relations, and weak political representation. Conceivably, many Baltic citizens would prefer reduced political competition and stronger, more assertive leaders. Moreover, the strong emphasis on nation-building turns the Baltic countries into a potential playground for identity politics. For the time being, at least, this makes the ideological space open-ended and malleable, leaving fertile ground for fleeting populism.

  • 14.
    Ekman, Joakim
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    National identity in divided and unified Germany: continuity and change2001Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This dissertation deals with the construction, maintenance and change of national identities in divided and unified Germany. Following World War II, Germany was divided in two parts. For a period of more than 40 years, two German states developed in separation from each other, and because of the horrors of the recent past, both states badly needed to develop new national self-images. Using a four-fold model of ‘national identity’, this study starts out by outlining these different processes of identity formation and nation-building. In the German Democratic Republic (GDR), the communist regime desperately tried to foster a distinct socialist GDR identity among the East Germans. In the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), the successful economic and political development led to the emergence of a new, post-war national identity.

    The Berlin Wall was opened on November 9, 1989, and Germany was formally reunified not even a year later, on October 3, 1990. The past decade has shown, however, that Germany has had difficulties in becoming ‘informally’ unified. Drawing on large scale public opinion surveys, this dissertation examines if differences between East Germans and West Germans today are primarily ascribable to the different historical experiences, or rather an outcome of the uneasy unification process.

    The findings of this study indicate that the East German nation-building project essentially was a failure, since it did not create support for the GDR as a political system. At the same time, the unique experience of living in the GDR shaped a certain ‘East German identity’ and political culture, different from the kind of German identity and political culture that emerged in the FRG. But the findings of this study also suggest that an East German identity in unified Germany should not be reduced to a lingering ‘legacy of the past’. It is, at the same time, an outcome of the unification process itself. A new East German self-awareness has developed as a result of the hardships and challenges posed by the uneasy transformation from a state socialist political system to a liberal democratic system. Consequently, when it comes to the German national identity issue, ‘inner unification’ remains to be seen.

  • 15.
    Eriksson, Cecilia [ Arensmeier ]
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    "Det borde vara att folket bestämmer": en studie av ungdomars föreställningar om demokrati2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This study primarily investigates the conceptions of democracy held by young Swedes: What conceptions can be found? How are these conceptions similar to and different from each other? My main intention is to present nuanced pictures of different ways of viewing and of arguing for and against democracy. Some attention is also paid to possible differences between different youth groups, in terms of age, gender, and socioeconomic background. In addition, I will relate the investigation to research concerning school and the socialisation that is supposed to take place there. What concepts of democracy do Swedish schools seem to inculcate in students?

    Theoretical discussions of democracy serve as the framework of the study, and throughout the work democracy is regarded as an ambiguous concept. I have designed an analytical tool by depicting the discussions of democratic theory from three perspectives. The first concerns what democracy is and how the rule of the people should be designed. The second deals with the justifications for democracy, and why it is or is not to be preferred. The third perspective focuses on some crucial matters in discussions of democracy.

    The empirical material analyzed consists of ten focus group interviews with students in two age categories: 14–15 and 18–19 years old. The groups were composed so that the members would include both genders and a range of socio-economic backgrounds. The main idea of focus group interviews is to take advantage of group-interaction dynamics. Opinions are often formed in interaction with other people, and since consideration and reflection are central concerns of this thesis, focus group interviews are thus very suitable.

    The findings indicate that there is a dominant understanding of democracy. The young people interviewed emphasize that democracy means that everybody has a right to participate in decision making, that, for example, universal suffrage and freedom of speech are necessary features and that democracy in practice connotes an elite/electoral democracy (at the national level) with politicians as the real power holders. Although some features of Sweden’s existing democracy are widely criticized, democracy as a fundamental concept is celebrated. The main justification for this support is that democracy includes everybody. A view of everybody’s equal value is implicit. The critical matters highlighted concern human nature in relation to democratic requirements, how to handle extremist political movements, and the limited possibilities and unequal opportunities for people to participate in the existing democracy. Within this overall picture, somewhat different conceptions can also be detected.

    Two themes are particularly prominent in the discussions. Without overtly mentioning the word, the young people interviewed strongly emphasize the concept of equality. One line of discussion concerns the participants’ own experiences of being subordinate to adults, another the concept that equality presupposes equal opportunities to influence society. Democracy is also considered to be a human matter. Notably,when speaking of equality and freedom, the interviewees rarely mention these words directly. Mention of political institutions is also lacking from the discussions.

    Some of the findings can be regarded as reflecting the conceptions of democracy manifested in and passed on by schools. The study may also provide some guidance concerning how to approach social and political issues in the school.

  • 16.
    Eriksson [Engvall], Gunilla
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    The intelligence discourse: the Swedish military intelligence (MUST) as a producer of knowledge2013Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The Swedish Military Intelligence and Security Directorate (MUST) is a producer of knowledge, a knowledge that is fundamental for decisionmaking in foreign and security policy. The intelligence knowledge production is often held as objective, value neutral, and with the intention of ‘speaking truth onto power’. However, this study holds that such a perspective on intelligence knowledge production calls for a revision. Hence, the overall purpose of this study is to examine the characteristics of knowledge in intelligence analysis and also to investigate how that knowledge is affected by the social context of its production, the military intelligence service. The source material is of three kinds; first texts and documents, second interviews with intelligence analysts and managers, and third observations of seminars and meetings during the production process of estimates.

    The results are that there is a strong presence of an implicit interpretive framework that continuously influences and guides the knowledge production and thereby makes the knowledge dependent on one specific perspective contrary to the intentional objectivity within the intelligence service. Further, the study reveals that the social and discursive practices for intelligence knowledge production include a ‘logic of appropriateness’ suggesting the presence of a structured Denkkollektiv with a structured Denkstil. The actions and choices of the individuals are transformed to create conformity to the norms within the social discursive practices. Thus, the inherited frame of interpretation, as well as the socialised norm of staying within the existing accepted frames ofthinking and acting ends up to the stability and duration of the not always accurate and fruitful Denkstil.

    At the core of political science resides the question of how policy is shaped. Even though this study has focused merely on one organisation in a specific policy field in one country it brings insights to the knowledge and policy nexus.

  • 17.
    Fridolfsson, Charlotte
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Deconstructing political protest2006Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Part I of the thesis Deconstructing Political Protest is an introduction to the theoretical, epistemological and (anti)ontological approach guiding the analysis in the articles comprising Part II. Investigations into the ideological organisation of political protests are the focus in all four articles. The questions asked concern what makes some subjects or political gestures tolerable and legitimate and others less so. Answering this type of questions involves deconstructing the political processes where the modes and subjects of protest are conditioned. The ideological organisation of protest is here identified as a result of power struggles. Ideology is here a closure of the social, i.e. the non-acknowledgement of the instability of how our world is organised. The four articles accordingly investigate the openings and aporias in discourses on political protest, and the struggle between hegemony and its unmaking, rather than search for a hermeneutic whole.

    An occupation, a demonstration and a referendum serve as examples when deconstructing discourses organising political protests. What these three events have in common is how the “laws” regulating political protests are broken, yet it is exactly when the laws are broken that they appear as an independent structure. The illegal occupation is additionally breaking the law regulating political protest by appearing innocous in the hegemonic discourse. Activists occupying an operation ward are in this example not condemned as criminals but are instead respected as an anomaly deviating from regular problematic occupants. Similarly street demonstrations in the second example relate to a violent outside deviating from the normal peaceful demonstration, but in this example the outside violence blends into the identity of all activist through various metaphors. The third example examines how a referendum, formally a well-respected mode of protest, can still be questioned in a hegemonic discourse.

    The events studied challenge the notion of what constitutes reasonable political activity, but simultaneously maintain the meaning of, and become the condition of possibility for, the acceptable and unacceptable political protest since the laws regulationg political protest are determined by their transgressions.

    List of papers
    1. Operation occupation: and the politics of protest
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Operation occupation: and the politics of protest
    2005 (English)In: Politik, ISSN 1604-0058, Vol. 8, no 2, p. 17-26Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-3199 (URN)
    Available from: 2006-11-24 Created: 2006-11-24 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    2. Politics, protest and the threatening outside: a discourse analysis of events at an EU summit
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Politics, protest and the threatening outside: a discourse analysis of events at an EU summit
    2004 (English)In: Distinktion Scandinavian Journal of Social Theory, ISSN 1600-910X, E-ISSN 2159-9149, Vol. 5, no 1, p. 79-92Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Social movement protests at an EU summit in Gothenburg in 2001 are here analysed using discourse theory. This perspective envisages the constructed character of subjects, identities and discourses structuring the social. A hegemonic project, attempting to explain the antagonisms at the summit, was emphasised through signifying chains and the use of metaphor. The hegemonic effort of rescuing a unified and fully sutured social, instituted a constitutive outside—the deviant activist—explaining the interruptions in the idea of liberal democratic politics, here substantiated by the summit. Power seems crucial for what forms of protests are considered acceptable, and ultimately for what is viewed as valid political subjects or legitimate political demands.

    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-3200 (URN)10.1080/1600910X.2004.9672878 (DOI)
    Available from: 2006-11-24 Created: 2006-11-24 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    3. Sweden's most wanted: investigations into the whereabouts of the no-voters
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Sweden's most wanted: investigations into the whereabouts of the no-voters
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-3201 (URN)
    Available from: 2006-11-24 Created: 2006-11-24 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    4. Political protest and metaphor
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Political protest and metaphor
    2008 (English)In: Politics, language and metaphor: interpreting and changing the world / [ed] Terrell Carver, Jernej Pikalo, London: Routledge , 2008, p. 132-148Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    London: Routledge, 2008
    Series
    Routledge innovations in political theory ; 30
    National Category
    Social Sciences Social Sciences Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-3202 (URN)978-0-415-41735-8 (ISBN)
    Available from: 2006-11-24 Created: 2006-11-24 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
  • 18.
    Gossas, Markus
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Kommunal samverkan och statlig nätverksstyrning2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Samarbete mellan kommuner har ökat i omfattning under 1990- och 2000-talet. I rapporten betraktas fenomenet samverkan som uttryck för en kommunreform där staten har en central och pådrivande roll. Reformen har genomförts successivt sedan 1970-talet, främst genom lagändringar som möjliggör samverkan mellan kommuner, och i mindre utsträckning genom kommunikation, idéer och ekonomiska incitament. Drivkrafter och motiv till reformen är flera; genom ökad samverkan antas kommunerna kunna hantera ökat ansvar, bli mer kostnadseffektiva, lösa problem som kräver samordning samt skapa förutsättningar för regional tillväxt. Sammantaget innebär reformen att staten utvecklat medel för nätverksstyrning, en indirekt styrning som syftar till att möjliggöra samverkan mellan offentliga organisationer, och att forma villkoren för sådan samverkan. Genom reformen ges kommunerna medel att skapa gränsöverskridande ordningar av olika slag, från interkommunala avtal till gemensamma förvaltningar med egen beslutsrätt. Reformen utgör exempel på den nätverksbaserade förvaltningsmodellens genomslag i samhällsorganisationen.

    Ur indelningssynpunkt kan tre reformperioder urskiljas under 1900-talet, där olika principer för indelningar utvecklas och implementeras. Den första perioden (1920-45 ca) motsvaras av ett utbrett bruk av kommunsamverkan i form av kommunalförbund, en slags gemensamma förvaltningsorgan. Kommunalförbundslagen gav kommunerna ökade möjligheter till samverkan, men användes också som ett medel för staten att styra förekomsten av samverkan; genom lagen kunde förbund tvångsbildas vilket med tiden utsträcktes till flera uppgiftsområden. Kommunalförbunden gjorde kommungränserna flexibla, och brister i indelningen kunde åtgärdas genom samverkan. Den andra perioden (1945-75 ca) motsvaras av en ökad skepsis från statens sida mot samverkan, och en betoning av möjligheterna till central planering. För att möjliggöra välfärdens utbyggnad krävdes administrativt och ekonomiskt starka kommuner, vilket skapades genom centralt planerade sammanslagningar. Därigenom tänktes bruket av samverkan upphöra och kommungränserna bli stabila. Den tredje perioden (1976-2002 ca), som står i fokus i avhandlingen, motsvaras av en återgång till mer flexibla gränser och samverkan. Den första och den tredje indelningsreformen liknar varandra genom bruket av samverkan, men de skiljer sig fundamentalt genom att statens roll omdefinierats.

    Genom en fallstudie av en mellansvensk kommun studeras reformens genomslag i kommunens förvaltning och beslutsfattande sedan tiden efter storleksreformerna. Samverkan i sig visar sig ha förekommit sedan kommunblocksreformens slut, men över tid har samarbetena blivit fler och mer formaliserade. Historiskt sett har flera strategiskt viktiga samarbeten utvecklats genom återkommande förhandlingar i ett interkommunalt nätverk, en institution som är löst organiserad och där konsensus krävs för att beslut ska kunna fattas. Genom nätverket framträder en interkommunal politisk beslutsnivå och ökad administrativ sammanvävning vilket skulle kunna tolkas som första steget mot en kommunsammanslagning. Samtidigt visar kommunens samverkan att olika uppgiftsområden och intressen kräver olika aktörssammansättning och olika geografiska skalnivåer. Kommunens egenskap som enhetligt territorium kan därmed problematiseras.

  • 19.
    Granberg, Mikael
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Från lokal välfärdsstat till stadspolitik: politiska processer mellan demokrati och effektivitet: vision Mälarstaden och Östra hamnen i Västerås2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The main aim of the thesis is to analyse the preconditions of contemporary Swedish city politics. The aim is reached through the answering of three questions; 1), what characterises contemporary Swedish city politics? 2), what contributes to the shaping and organisation of urban political processes in Sweden? 3), what problems and challenges are central to Swedish city politics?

    Based on interviews, documents and articles an empirical study of a Swedish city (Västerås) in its historical, national and international context is taken as a point of departure for reflections and conclusions with regard to the development of city politics and planning in Sweden. City politics in the studied city is analysed within the wider context of Swedish welfare state development and the international and global processes that have potential effects on national and city politics. The relationship between the historical development and urban politics is conceptualised by an approach where local actors act within structures that both constrain and enable action. Crucial concepts guiding the analysis are agenda, interests, representation, actors, democracy, planning, networks and legitimation.

    In conclusion the study shows how a specific urban process is influenced by courses of events at different societal levels, events that contribute to the formation of a contextual setting where the concrete actions are staged and played out. Global and international phenomena influence politics at the national level with consequences for the configuration of central-local relations and other preconditions of urban political processes. Urban politics occur within a framework that is favourable to the interests of some actors and negative to others. Thus, urban politics is deeply affected by extra-local determinants with substantial effects upon the urban environment. To survive and develop in a world ridden by such strong forces city politics faces the dual challenge of acting efficiently, i.e. being sensitive to the needs and demands of local elites, while keeping its democratic legitimacy, i.e. being sensitive to the needs and demands of all citizens.

  • 20.
    Hedlund, Gun
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    "Det handlar om prioriteringar": Kvinnors villkor och intressen i lokal politik1996Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 21.
    Hysing, Erik
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Governing towards sustainability: environmental governance and policy change in Swedish forestry and transport2010Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Faced with environmental problems such as climate change and biodiversity loss, the dominant political response has been sustainable development, balancing environmental protection against economic prosperity and social justice. While political action is increasingly being called for, the role and capacity of the state is questioned – as captured neatly in the story from government to governance that implies a relocation of authority and power between policy levels and in public-private relations, as well as a radical restructuring within public administration. Taking its conceptual point of departure in theories of sustainable development, govern­ance, and policy change, this thesis assesses, explains, and theorises about recent developments of environmental governing within Swedish forestry and transport, two areas with high environmental impact and that involve strong eco­nomic val­ues and interests. The findings are presented in four articles that have all been published in leading academic journals. The thesis concludes that public policy has changed within both policy areas as environmental objectives and new modes of governing have been adopted – a development that can be characterised as governing towards sustainability. However, the storyline from government to governance is too simple to capture these changes. The state remains important in several ways (actor, arena, institutional structure, form of authority) and influ­ences society through a variety of modes of governing. Thus, governance and government remain relevant. To explain policy change we need to recognise mul­tiple barriers to and enablers of change as well as having a contextual under­standing of the policy area in focus. The thesis concludes by arguing that sustain­able development needs to be politicised in terms of visible political action and open political contestation between differing visions of a sustainable society.

    List of papers
    1. Contextualising the advocacy coalition framework: theorising change in Swedish forest policy
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Contextualising the advocacy coalition framework: theorising change in Swedish forest policy
    2008 (English)In: Environmental Politics, ISSN 0964-4016, E-ISSN 1743-8934, Vol. 17, no 5, p. 730-748Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is assessed and elaborated by applying it to the Swedish forestry policy subsystem, a dynamic subsystem in which environmental interests have challenged a dominating production coalition. Forest policy has changed as new ecological values and modes of governing have been introduced through an incremental, pragmatic learning process mediated by a pre-established partnership culture. This policy change is not satisfactorily explained by conventional ACF mechanisms (shocks and brokered learning). Policy change may be better understood if the ACF is nuanced and contextualised by recognising that the learning process has evolved over a long time within the ideological-discursive context of ecological modernisation, and that the forest sector has been under constant pressure due to its strong dependence on world markets.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    London: Routledge, 2008
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-3321 (URN)10.1080/09644010802421471 (DOI)000260572000003 ()2-s2.0-55949085792 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2008-12-01 Created: 2008-12-01 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    2. Greening transport: explaining urban transport policy change
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Greening transport: explaining urban transport policy change
    2009 (English)In: Journal of Environmental Policy and Planning, ISSN 1523-908X, E-ISSN 1522-7200, Vol. 11, no 3, p. 243-261Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Transport policy has proven highly resistant to change despite growing environmental problems. However, in the Swedish city of Örebro, objectives and policy measures in support of ecological sustainability have successfully been introduced in urban transport policies adopted by the local government. This article explains how this 'greening' became possible. Three variables of change proved highly important to understand policy change in this case: (i) new policy ideas of sustainable transport, (ii) reorganization of the local administration and (iii) the pressure of green policy entrepreneurs. A common denominator behind all these changes was the reformation of urban transport into a political issue through discursive changes and an active involvement by elected politicians, that is, politicization. The continuing importance of politics in contemporary policy processes as complex as transport is an important lesson from this case, that is, politics still matters.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    London: Routledge, 2009
    Keywords
    Sustainable transport, policy change, governance, environmental governing, urban planning, politicization
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-7725 (URN)10.1080/15239080903056417 (DOI)000270423700006 ()2-s2.0-70349970736 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2009-08-25 Created: 2009-08-25 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    3. Governing without government?: the private governance of forest certification in Sweden
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Governing without government?: the private governance of forest certification in Sweden
    2009 (English)In: Public Administration, ISSN 0033-3298, E-ISSN 1467-9299, Vol. 87, no 2, p. 312-326Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    The role and capacity of the state are changing. Some researchers argue that the state is transforming, strategically adapting to new circumstances, while others see a development of governing arrangements that are autonomous from the state, governing ‘without’ government. This article assesses the governing without government thesis through the case of forest certification introduced in Sweden in the late 1990s. This is a case of private governance, the governing capacity of which is based on voluntary self-regulation rather than government authority, seemingly a prime example of governing without government. The results show that government nonetheless is involved with forest certification through governance-oriented modes of governing: enabling and influencing the arrangements. Thus, what appeared to be a prime example of governing ‘without’ government is better understood as governing ‘with’ government.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-7724 (URN)10.1111/j.1467-9299.2009.01750.x (DOI)000266339800009 ()2-s2.0-66349086102 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2009-08-25 Created: 2009-08-25 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
    4. From government to governance?: a comparison of environmental governing in Swedish forestry and transport
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>From government to governance?: a comparison of environmental governing in Swedish forestry and transport
    2009 (English)In: Governance. An International Journal of Policy, Administration and Institutions, ISSN 0952-1895, E-ISSN 1468-0491, Vol. 22, no 4, p. 647-672Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    From government to governance is a grand story line about the changing role of the state, which has had a great impact upon researchers and practitioners. This article is an empirical assessment of this story line. Three critical dimensions are elaborated into indicators of government and governance: governing styles and instruments, public–private relationships, and policy levels. These indicators are used to assess the role of the state in environmental governing using Swedish forestry and transport as examples. The results show that the story line is too simple; the role of the state is not changing in a unidirectional way. Instead, the comparison shows that environmental governing within the two policy areas is characterized by both government and governance modes of governing, thus questioning the usefulness of the story line as a guideline when framing empirical studies or political decisions.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Wiley-Blackwell, 2009
    National Category
    Political Science (excluding Public Administration Studies and Globalisation Studies)
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-8046 (URN)10.1111/j.1468-0491.2009.01457.x (DOI)000270151200006 ()2-s2.0-70349423543 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2009-10-01 Created: 2009-10-01 Last updated: 2018-01-13Bibliographically approved
  • 22.
    Ibrahim, Ismaeel
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Irak: Mellan islamisk identitet och demokratisk process2010Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This is an essay about the political development of Iraq after the overthrow of the Baath regime by the coalition forces in 2003. Almost seven years later, the political scene is still characterised by chaos, even though the country entered a new phase with the adoption of democratic thinking and a new openness to the world. The unstable political situation is a product of inter-ethnic conflict and the interference by neighbouring countries. Iraq is up against two formidable tasks – building democracy and building a nation. The essay sets out to explore the prospects of this dual mission.

    The essay breaks down into three distinct, theoretically motivated parts or sections. The first part is inspired by O’Donnell & Schmitter’s transition theory and revolves around Iraq’s transition from dictatorship to democracy. The second part sets out to evaluate the development of democracy in Iraq after Saddam Hussein in the light of the seven institutional criteria of polyarchies as identified by Robert Dahl. The third part evaluates Iraq in terms of Arendt Lijphart’s groundbreaking theory about consensus as a pre-condition for democracy in highly divided societies.

    The investigation confirms the general picture of the political situation in Iraq as unstable but with one notable exception – the Kurdish region. The constitution testifies to the ambition to turn Iraq into a polyarchy with strong elements of consensual democracy, but the spirit of the constitution is frequently violated by government institutions and individual politicians. The consensual features have in fact served as safety valve for the ethnic and religious minorities of Iraq; but it is an open question whether they will survive the onslaught by Prime Minister Al-Maliki, a recent convert to the Westminster model. The unclear relationship between Islam and democracy also looms large in the background in a country like Iraq and must somehow be resolved by the governing elite.

  • 23.
    Jezierska, Katarzyna
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Radical democracy redux: politics and subjectivity beyond Habermas and Mouffe2011Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis investigates two contemporary theories of radical democracy, Jürgen Habermas’s deliberative and Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic democracy. By bringing the two scholars together and constructing a debate between them, their respective strengths and weaknesses are highlighted and the similarities and differences are pointed out. Habermas and Mouffe are seldom dealt with simultaneously as they represent different theoretical traditions, critical theory and post-structuralism respectively. This thesis argues that we can learn from both of them.

    The aim of the thesis is to clarify and critically assess Chantal Mouffe’s and Jürgen Habermas’s versions of radical democracy, their disparate visions of democratic politics and subjectivity, in order to clear the ground for a third position that draws inspiration from both of them. The methodological inspiration comes from the deconstructive approach to interpretation, and thus the study aspires to a ‘just reading’ while being conscious of the elements of violence inherent to any instances of reading.

    The main bulk of the thesis is dedicated to an analysis of the two authors’ theories of democracy and subjectivity, which leads on to the third position situated beyond the two. From Habermas I take the stress on political communication and intersubjectivity, while both these concepts are extensively reformulated. The elements I reject from his position are the orientation to consensus and the strong requirements of coherence and transparency of the subject. From Mouffe I take the accent on the agonistic spirit of democracy, while setting aside the ontological status of antagonism. Her conception of split subjectivity is included, but supplemented with a more explicit theorization of the unity of the subject in the element of intersubjective meetings. The third position on radical democracy embraces the fundamental status of undecidability, which calls for an ethos of questioning.

  • 24.
    Johansson, Anders
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Offentlig kultur i omvandling?: Om prestationsfinansiering och konkurrensutsättning av offentlig serviceverksamhet2003Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to examine whether introducing organisational ideas, first used within the private trade and industry sector, in public affairs will have any effect on public culture. In focus for this study are financing by results and exposure to competition, which are standards institutionalised in the environment of the public organisations.

    A result of the study is that the adoption of the standards financing by results and expo-sure to competition to a greater extent was based on a logic of appropriateness than on a logic of consequentiality. These very standards were considered the most appropriate and the obvious solution irrespective of how the problem was formulated. One reason for this might be that many other organisations already had introduced these standards, or were considering doing so. The adoption therefore gave legitimacy.

    The adaptation of the standards to the organisation’s previously adapted standards resulted in increased uncertainty in the operational situation. As a consequence, the way in which the formulation of needs was viewed changed. The outcome of the adaptation can be described as a transformation. It thus differs from the kinds of outcome that are most often described within institutional organisation theory, namely coupling, rejection, decoupling and translation. Common to these is the assumption that the adaptation essentially only affects the actual adopted standards; that they will either be integrated into the organisation without problem or be rejected or remoulded until they fit in. Transformation on the other hand implies that it instead is those standards that already have been adapted that will be transformed. The standards strong enough to achieve this are specifically geared towards resource mobilisation.

    Transformation tends in turn to result in a shift of the organisation culture, from being more hierarchical towards being more egalitarian or individualistic, in certain cases drawing towards fatalistic. The public culture that is presented in the Swedish constitutional laws and specific legislation can be described as egalitarian. To the public administration this culture is manifested through an administrative mission – considering everyone’s equality before the law and observing objectivity as well as impartiality – and an administrative-ethical mission – producing community values as opposed to private ones. The citizens’ personal notions of their needs (the demand) must be balanced against socially acknowledged needs, i.e. needs for those utilities that we together in a political process have agreed to help providing each other with. These utilities should be allocated based solely on the level of need.

    A conclusion of the study is that the transformation process can lead to strategical priorities that challenge the public culture’s administrative-legal as well as administrative-ethical mission. However, if the values of the public culture are not fulfilled, the citizens’ confidence in public affairs might be undermined.

  • 25.
    Johansson, Marcus
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Exkludering av invandrare i stadspolitiken: makt och maktlöshet i Örebro 1980-20002002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this study is to analyse power structures and processes of exclusion between Swedes and immigrants in Örebro. The study applies a monopolistic approach to show that Swedes exclude immigrants to maintain a dominant power position. Exclusion is understood as a process resulting from asymmetric power relations. Digeser’s fourth face of foucauldian discursive power, Lukes’ third face of system power, Bachrach and Baratz’ second face of non decision-making, and Dahl’s first face of decision-making, are employed to elaborate four types of exclusion: the construction of discursive roles, the control of thoughts, the raising of barriers, and the control over decision-making.

    Three perspectives of policy analysis are applied to scrutinize the policy fields of labour market, housing and culture. 1) Structure analysis focuses on ethnic representation and participation. 2) Policy formulation analysis examines the content of formal policy documents and policy processes of key policy issues. 3) Discourse analysis deconstructs norms and the roles that are produced. The perspectives open up different insights when analysing power. Structure analysis focuses on potential power aspects, policy formulation analysis on relations in decision-making and agenda setting, and discourse analysis on power over thoughts and in the construction of political roles.

    The findings of this study indicate that immigrants are excluded by receiving different policy roles, e.g. ‘the unemployed’, ‘the segregated’, and ‘the culturally deviants’ (4th face). Immigrants’ unemployment is due to deficient knowledge in Swedish and their presence is ignored in issues related to city growth. Housing segregation is either portrayed as a class-dependent issue or as a process that pull immigrants to their own compatriots. The Swedish culture is hegemonic and other ethnic cultures are regarded as subordinate (3rd face). Exclusion occurs when Swedes raise barriers, though anticipation, mobilisation of Swedish bias and cooptation hinder or transform immigrant-related initiatives (2nd face). Finally, insufficient ethnic representation, lack of political support, and centralisation of the policy fields to the core of the urban political elite create patterns of powerlessness (1st face).

    The study shows that the opportunities for immigrants to participate in and influence urban politics dominated by Swedes are few and that immigrants continuously become excluded from the Swedish urban life.

  • 26.
    Karlsson, Martin
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Covering distance: essays on representation and political communication2013Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Political representatives’ democratic legitimacy rests on their ability to cover the distance between themselves and citizens. Representatives must avoid being perceived as distant and aloof from the needs and wishes of those they represent. The aim of this thesis is to increase the understanding of how new forms of communication with citizens, through participatory initiatives as well as political blogging, are used by politicians in their roles as representatives. Underlying this aim is the question of whether new forms of communication can contribute to reducing the distance between representatives and citizens. The central argument of this thesis is that such types of communication aid representative democracy only to the extent that they offer representatives efficient channels for performing functions related to political representation.

    This study presents a theoretical framework that identifies potential functions of communication between representatives and citizens for political representation. Its empirical analyses, presented in five articles, find that representatives widely communicate with citizens through participatory initiatives and political blogging to aid their roles as political representatives. Furthermore, results show that representatives’ communication is significantly determined by strategic, practical, and normative factors. The representatives are found to act strategically as communication practices are adapted to accommodate their particular situations, needs and normative orientations. Keywords:

    List of papers
    1. Connecting citizens to the European parliament: e-consultations as a tool for political representation
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Connecting citizens to the European parliament: e-consultations as a tool for political representation
    2011 (English)In: E-parliament and ICT-based legislation: concept, experiences and lessons / [ed] Mehmet Zahid Sobaci, Hershey, PA: IGI Global, 2011, p. 80-102Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In recent years, a number of e-participation projects have been implemented with the objective to strengthening the relationship between European citizens and members of the European parliament (MEPs). This chapter investigates the most extensive of these projects, the European Citizens Consultations (ECC), with a focus on the relationship between citizens and MEPs. Two potential functions of e-consultations for strengthening political representation are analyzed, the connectivity function and the inquiry function. The results indicate that the ECC project fall short of offering a functional tool for strengthening political representation. Participating MEPs are shown to express disappointment with the project and participating citizens show signs of a growing dissent with the European parliament following their participation. This analysis suggests that the shortcomings of the ECC project are due to an insufficient understanding of political representation and the role of MEPs in the design of the ECC project. Three lessons of the ECC project are highlighted.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Hershey, PA: IGI Global, 2011
    Keywords
    E-consultations, Political Representation, Political Communication, European Parliament, Political Trust, E-participation
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-20047 (URN)10.4018/978-1-61350-329-4 (DOI)9781613503294 (ISBN)1613503296 (ISBN)9781613503300 (ISBN)
    Available from: 2011-10-13 Created: 2011-10-13 Last updated: 2018-02-27Bibliographically approved
    2. Participatory initiatives and political representation: the case of local councillors in Sweden
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Participatory initiatives and political representation: the case of local councillors in Sweden
    2012 (English)In: Local Government Studies, ISSN 0300-3930, E-ISSN 1743-9388, Vol. 38, no 6, p. 795-815Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    The health of political parties and the institutions of representative democracy have been extensively questioned during the last decade due to evidence of a widespread decline in voting turnout, political trust, and party membership as well as identification. An often-proposed, but also often-questioned, strategy to strengthen representative democracy is for political institutions to offer alternative forms of political participation through so-called participatory initiatives. The literature suggests that participatory initiatives will have little impact on representative democracy if no adaptation among political representatives is apparent. This paper explores the consistency between participatory initiatives in Swedish municipalities and the attitudes, practices and role-taking of local councillors, comparing pioneer municipalities where extensive numbers of participatory initatives have been executed vis-à-vis hesitator municipalities where few initiatives have been implemented. The study indicates that local participatory initiatives may stimulate political representation by creating new channels for citizen input and communication between citizens and representatives that are supported by local councillors in the pioneer municipalities. However, the core roles of parties and councillors in representative democracy appear not to be challenged by these initiatives, being similar in both groups of municipalities. The article is concluded by a discussion of the implications of these results for the function of participatory initiatives in local democracy.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Routledge, 2012
    Keywords
    Participatory initiatives, political representation, political communication, local councillors, local democracy
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-23476 (URN)10.1080/03003930.2012.688036 (DOI)000314914900007 ()2-s2.0-84874298943 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2012-06-13 Created: 2012-06-13 Last updated: 2017-12-07Bibliographically approved
    3. Blogging in the shadow of parties: collectivism and individualism in the Swedish 2010 election
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Blogging in the shadow of parties: collectivism and individualism in the Swedish 2010 election
    2011 (English)Conference paper, Oral presentation only (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Blogging is an increasingly important practice in election campaigns, showing interesting variations across contexts. Recent research has shown that the adoption and use of blogs is strongly shaped by national institutional settings, that is, the different roles given to political parties. However, intra-national differences in the practice of political blogging are yet to be explained. This article investigates the variation in usage of blogs in electoral campaigns in Sweden, a country characterized by strong political parties and a party-centered form of representative democracy. The central argument of this article is that blogs are utilized in different ways by different parties. Just as blogging is shaped by how institutions support persons or parties, we propose that political blogging is shaped by party affiliation and ideological positions on individualism and collectivism. The empirical analysis, based on a survey among over 600 blogging politicians, confirms that ideological positions towards individualism and collectivism have a great impact on the uptake and usage of political blogs, portraying political blogging as a strongly ideologically situated practice of political communication.

    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-19779 (URN)
    Conference
    ECPR Joint Sessions, April 12-17 2011, St Gallen, Switzerland
    Available from: 2011-10-10 Created: 2011-10-10 Last updated: 2017-10-17Bibliographically approved
    4. Representation as interactive communication: theoretical considerations and empirical findings
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Representation as interactive communication: theoretical considerations and empirical findings
    2013 (English)In: Information, Communication and Society, ISSN 1369-118X, E-ISSN 1468-4462, Vol. 16, no 8, p. 1201-1222Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Considering the recent interest in more interactive practices in political representation, this article argues that there is a need to understand the differentiated meanings and functions of this form ofcommunication. The subject of political representation as interactive communication is addressed theoretically as well as empirically. A theoretical framework is presented identifying three strategic functions of interactive communication in political representation: (1) interactivity as accountability, (2)interactivity as inquiry, and (3) interactivity as connectivity. Also, empirical analyses are conducted among blogging politicians in Sweden. These analyses suggest that interactive communication among political representatives cannot be understood as either a radical change in terms of new interactive forms ofrepresentation breaking with earlier norms and ideals, or complete continuity. Instead, the argument is that representatives may adopt interactive communication strategically to fulfil different normative ideals of political representation.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Taylor & Francis, 2013
    Keywords
    e-Democracy, political representation, Web 2.0, computer mediated communication, blogging
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-26573 (URN)10.1080/1369118X.2012.757633 (DOI)000323632300001 ()2-s2.0-84883488863 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2012-12-03 Created: 2012-12-03 Last updated: 2017-12-07Bibliographically approved
    5. The political blog space: A new arena for political representation?
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The political blog space: A new arena for political representation?
    2016 (English)In: New Media and Society, ISSN 1461-4448, E-ISSN 1461-7315, Vol. 18, no 3, p. 465-483Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    While the academic interest in the political blogosphere has grown exponentially in recent years, existing research is predominantly dedicated to political campaigning. In view of the “diminishing prestige of the electoral process” and the “rise of new forms of legitimacy” a broader political analysis of blogs is called for. This article investigates whether the political blogosphere is an arena for political representation by asking (1) how representatives communicate with citizens through blogging in order to aid central functions of political representation, such as accountability, connectivity, and inquiry, and (2) what strategic, technological, and normative factors explain differences in representatives’ communication with citizens. The empirical analysis, based on a survey questionnaire targeting all Swedish blogging representatives, illuminates four different approaches to blogging, with different drivers and implications for the representative democracy.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Sage Publications, 2016
    Keywords
    Blogs, democracy, interactive communication, Internet, political representation, social media
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32556 (URN)10.1177/1461444814543990 (DOI)000371645500007 ()2-s2.0-84959268820 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2013-11-28 Created: 2013-11-28 Last updated: 2017-12-06Bibliographically approved
  • 27.
    Larsson, Josefin
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Aiming for change: intentional communities and ideology in function2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The question raised in this thesis is whether there is a common ideology to be found among intentional communities, and if so, what does characterise such an ideology and how does it relate to the traditional –isms? The study takes its theoretical point of departure in a functional concept of ideology, along with six dimensions of social critique: the political, the politico-economic, the politico-sexual, the psychosocial, the religious and spiritual, and the environmental.

    The findings of this study indicate that intentional communities have a common ideological core. They explain the world around them in terms of that the modern, capitalist society having disempowered its citizens and put them into structures that are alienating and unsustainable. The evaluation that they offer is that it is necessary to work for more integration, autonomy and sustainability. The orientative function indicates that the social agent is the individual in community. Together communards claim that they can develop new structures and function as role models and inspiration for the mainstream. Finally, the programme that they suggest is to, through outreaching work and internal work, cut consumption and change production methods in order to ease as well environmental as social impact.

  • 28.
    Lennqvist-Lindén, Ann-Sofie
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Att lägga politiken tillrätta: kommunala chefers professionalisering2010Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The desire for many people today is to be professional, and many occupations seek professional status. The idea of a profession has a higher status than a mere occupation; professionals have lot of knowledge and power to decide about their own work and they can also voice opinions about others. Occupations are driven towards attaining professional status. This process is not driven by single individuals aiming to exercise power in relation to other individuals. It is a collective, national process by an occupation. The overall aim of this dissertation is to examine, describe and analyze the process of professionalization of local public managers. There are four researchtopics: a) What are the characteristics of a professional group, and do these apply to local public managers? b) How is municipal organization portrayed with regard to the roles of politicians and administrators? c) How do politicians,managers, and public servants view themselves and each other in a normative and descriptive way? d) In what ways are managers trying to increase their influence to reach a position from which it is possible to choose to follow, or notfollow, a political decision? The methods used in this research are several; a deep case study in which surveys, observations, document studies and interviews are conducted. As theoretical framework theories of power, professionalization and discourse are used to analyze the empirical material from the case study.The results show top managers’ ongoing quest for professional status. They exclude other groups in order to handle their work without interference from others – discretion, the driving force behind professionalization. Usurpation is a strategy to get into the area of the politicians. Politicians are talked of as children in need for raise and a municipality is perceived as a private business enterprise. In this discourse values such as effectiveness, customer satisfaction, competition and value-for-money are important. The municipality is heavily inspired by thei deas of New Public Management. This development is quite problematic withregard to democracy. The democratic values such as public ethics, political democracyand the rule of law – the public ethos - are not spoken of. My hope is that this dissertation can prompt managers to reflect, since I have tried to see their work from a different perspective than what they most probably use.

  • 29.
    Lindberg, Helen
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Only women bleed?: a critical reassessment of comprehensive feminist social theory2009Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Is there a viable specifically feminist social theory that can serve as heuristic devise in our social research? This thesis is a critical reassessment of the ontological and normative assumptions of four social theories with specific and clear claims of being feminist. These are Catharine M MackInnon’s Radical Feminism, Anna G Jonasdottir’s Theory of Love Power, Luce Irigaray’s Feminism of Sexual Difference and Judith Butler’s Queer Feminism. The feminist social theories are examined and critically discussed according to their internal coherence and their external relevance; which includes the normative political implications that can be inferred. The thesis claims that implicit in every comprehensive feminist approach, there is also a specific view of science. Then follows a meta-inquiry of comprehensive feminisms as social science and as social theories, including a discussion of the effects of comprehensive ideology on social science research in general, and of the relationship between ideology, theory and a scientific approach in particular. The thesis concludes that it is highly problematic to do science feministly, but that we do need the critical questions feminists raise in order to reevaluate concepts, theories and research priorities. It is argued that feminist social theories are perhaps most helpful as ideological guidance for political action.

  • 30.
    Linde, Jonas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Doubting democrats?: A comparative analysis of support for democracy in Central and Eastern Europe2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis deals with public support for the democratic political system in the new Central and East European member states of the European Union. The main aim of this study is to analyse democratic consolidation on the attitudinal level. The study employs a broad comparative perspective, covering ten countries: The Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Poland, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Romania, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The empirical analysis draws on the New Europe Barometer, a large-scale cross-national opinion survey, including some 62,000 respondents in eleven countries, covering ten years of post-communist political and economic development.

    Utilising a five-fold analytical framework of support, this study sets out to analyse three different dimensions of public support for the political system: support for regime institutions, regime performance, and regime principles. Departing from the assumption that public support for the democratic political system is an essential component when it comes to the legitimacy of the system, this study tests the validity of the ‘Churchill hypothesis’, which claims that people will accept democracy with all its flaws, because it is still better than its alternatives.

    The findings of this study indicate that dissatisfaction with the performance of the democratic political system and its institutions is widespread in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. Still, the principles of democracy enjoy considerable public support, thus demonstrating the validity of the ‘Churchill hypothesis’. In general, post-communist citizens reject explicit non-democratic alternatives even though they are disappointed with the performance of the democratic regime. The findings indicate that there is a gap between the high levels of diffuse support for democratic principles and the relatively low levels of specific support for the performance of the system. Thus, while democracy is on the road towards consolidation on the attitudinal level, at the same time a fair share of post-communist citizens still seem to doubt the qualities of democracy from a perspective of regime performance, but they nonetheless prefer democracy over its alternatives.

  • 31.
    Lindh, Aras
    et al.
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Salkic, Aldijana
    Turkiet och Bosnien & Hercegovina: Stor och liten siktar mot stjärnorna2009Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The purpose of this essay is to examine the approach of the EU towards the reform efforts of Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina in the countries ambitions for EU memberships. The question formulation of the essay is whether there is differences in Turkey’s and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s qualifications for an EU-membership from an EU perspective. In order to better answer the question, we use two part questions. One is about the criterias and qualifications that need to be met in order to get a membership. The other one is about the approach of the EU towards the two countries concerning EU memberships. Primarily we use official EU documents from which we make a qualitative content analysis. As an advanced feature, we use a comparative analysis in which the countries are compared in relation to each other. The conclusion of our study is that the EU's approach to Turkey's qualification for EU membership is more positive than to Bosnia and Herzegovina. We also conclude that other circumstances may affect our conclusion, and therefore our findings cannot be considered definite.

    Keywords: EU, Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina, The Copenhagen criteria, democracy, rule of law, human rights, protection of minorities, enlargement.

  • 32.
    Lundberg, Erik
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    A pluralist state?: civil society organizations’ access to the Swedish policy process 1964-20092014Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government.

    The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

    List of papers
    1. Changing balance: the participation and role of voluntary organisations in the Swedish policy process
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Changing balance: the participation and role of voluntary organisations in the Swedish policy process
    2012 (English)In: Scandinavian Political Studies, ISSN 0080-6757, E-ISSN 1467-9477, Vol. 35, no 4, p. 347-371Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This article focuses on the changing level of participation of voluntary organisations in the policy process between 1964 and 2009 and its implication for the role played by voluntary organisations to the state. Drawing on data from the remiss procedure – one of the most understudied parts of the Swedish policy-making process – the results implicate a reduced role for voluntary organisations in formal arenas for policy making. While the number of participating voluntary organisations has remained stable, the relative share of participating organisations has declined and an increasing proportion of organisations have abstained from participating. In addition, the shares of conflict-oriented and member-benefit-oriented organisations have decreased while consensus-oriented and public-benefit-oriented organisations appear to have increased slightly. These findings are discussed in the context of changes in the coordination and implementation of public policies, implying that over time the role of voluntary organisations as arenas for deliberation and mediators of individual interests tend to have gradually lost ground in relation to the state while the share of organisations taking direct welfare responsibility has slightly increased. Although it may be premature to speak about a shifting role of voluntary organisations from input to output in the political system, the result suggest an emerging trend in that direction. Further research is needed to clarify whether this changing pattern of participation is evident in other arenas for policy making in Sweden or is an isolated feature explained from the outset of the remiss procedure.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Wiley-Blackwell, 2012
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-24476 (URN)10.1111/j.1467-9477.2012.00292.x (DOI)000309593500004 ()2-s2.0-84867397514 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2012-08-16 Created: 2012-08-16 Last updated: 2017-12-07Bibliographically approved
    2. Does the government selection process promote or hinder pluralism?: exploring the characteristics of voluntary organizations invited to public consultations
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Does the government selection process promote or hinder pluralism?: exploring the characteristics of voluntary organizations invited to public consultations
    2013 (English)In: Journal of Civil Society, ISSN 1744-8689, E-ISSN 1744-8697, Vol. 9, no 1, p. 58-77Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    To what extent does the government selection process practised in public consultations promote or hinder pluralism in the policy-making process? This article addresses this question by exploring and analysing the characteristics of voluntary organizations invited to public consultations. Evidence is drawn from the formerly corporatist Scandinavian country of Sweden and the policy-making process referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The article shows that the government selection process encourages a multitude of organizations to participate. Consistent with recent studies on Scandinavian corporatism, this study provides weak support of corporatist practices in the Swedish policy process. However, and without challenging the seemingly pluralistic nature of the remiss procedure, voluntary organizations with ‘insider status’ in the policy process are more frequently invited to formal decision-making arenas such as the remiss procedure. It is argued that the policy network literature and the theory of political opportunity structures may further the understanding of the government selection process practised in public consultations.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Taylor & Francis: Taylor & Francis Group, 2013
    National Category
    Humanities
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32553 (URN)10.1080/17448689.2013.771086 (DOI)
    Available from: 2013-11-28 Created: 2013-11-28 Last updated: 2017-12-06Bibliographically approved
    3. En försumbar arena?: Organisationerna och remissväsendet 1964-2009
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>En försumbar arena?: Organisationerna och remissväsendet 1964-2009
    2012 (Swedish)In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 114, no 1, p. 29-55Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates how the participation of voluntary organisations in the remiss-procedure has changed between 1964 and 2009 and how to interpret this. Drawing on evidence from 33 remiss-directories in nine different policy fields, the results conclude that the proportional level of voluntary organisations has declined and more organisations have chosen to abstain from participating in the remissprocedure. In addition, the number of conflict-oriented organisations has declined while the number of consensus-oriented organisations active in the output side of the political system has increased. It is argued that the result can be understood in relation to the changing mode of governance, new challenges presented by the welfare state and the rise of transnational organisations that seek influence in less formal arenas for policy making.

    Keywords
    Civilsamhället, intresseorganisationer, remissväsendet, deltagande, policy, välfärdsstaten
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-23404 (URN)
    Available from: 2012-06-12 Created: 2012-06-12 Last updated: 2017-12-07Bibliographically approved
    4. Is Bureaucratic Policy-Making Eroding Institutions?: A Bottom-up Perspective on the Swedish Governmental Commissions
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Is Bureaucratic Policy-Making Eroding Institutions?: A Bottom-up Perspective on the Swedish Governmental Commissions
    (English)In: International Journal of Public Administration, ISSN 0190-0692, E-ISSN 1532-4265Article in journal (Refereed) Accepted
    Abstract [en]

    This article analyzes the recurrent “erosion thesis” in the governance literature  arguing  that  bureaucratic  or  procedural government institutions have come to play a less significant role in the formation of  public  policy.  This  article  supports  these  claims  by  drawing evidence  from  the  Swedish  and  neo-corporatist  policy-making institutions  referred  to  as  the ‘governmental  commissions’  and  the perspective  of  interest  organizations.  Using  various  theories  on institutional change I show that increasing government steering has reduced  the  role  of  the  governmental  commissions  in  influencing policy, but has not eliminated interest organizations’ belief that they are  legitimate  institutions.  The  resulting  article concludes  that although the governmental commissions have eroded, the capability of the state to steer or govern society has not necessarily declined.

    National Category
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-38225 (URN)
    Available from: 2014-10-29 Created: 2014-10-29 Last updated: 2017-12-05Bibliographically approved
  • 33.
    Mörck, Johan
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Regionalt samhällsbyggande i otakt: en studie av den varierande framväxten av samverkansorgan2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Regionalisation out of step - the varying growth of regional cooperation councils

    Traditionally regionalisation is either seen as a bottom up movement or as state reform politics from above. From that perspective, Sweden contains both parts. The state enables regionalisation through legislation, promote it through policies and encourage it in rhetoric’s. But the formation of new regional institutions can only be done by the municipalities themselves. Without their belief in stronger and more self governed regions or their will to act and together build capacity in their region, the regionalisation is halted.

    Sweden is a unitary state and there is no real tradition of strong and self governing regions. In that perspective the regional experiments during the second half of the 1990th can be seen as a rather big step. These experiments inspired other parts of Sweden and in the millennium shift, all counties was interested in forming some kind of selfgoverning regional body. In 2002, when legislation made it possible to build new political regional institutions, these new institutions were formed in seven counties. Since then, yet six counties have formed these new regional bodies. This variation raises several empirical questions. The main purpose of this study is to describe and explain the variation in growth of these new regional institutions.

    The analysis follows three different perspectives. The first is a structural one and aims to investigate municipalities need for economic development as a driving force. The second is an institutional perspective where norms are supposed to promote cooperation. The third focus on promoting actors as a force behind the growth of new regional institutions. Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods this thesis shows that different kinds of social norms promoting collaboration are the most important factor in explaining the variation in growth of new regional institutions. The analysis also showed that political actors play an important, both in building and maintaining coopera-tive norms, and probably also in bridging the lack of them.

  • 34.
    Perman, Karin
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Från el till värme: en diskursanalytisk policystudie av energiomställning på statlig, kommunal och hushållsnivå2008Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this thesis is to analyse how space heating for single-family houses, and energy system conversion has been constructed and discussed at national, municipal and household levels. Political documents have been studied, and interviews have been carried out with politicians, civil servants and householders in the municipality of Falun. In order to study and analyse similarities and differences between these three political levels, the following main questions were asked: In which sense is the use of electrical heating formulated as problematic? How are the causes of these problems presented, and which solutions are suggested? What are the effects of how problems, causes and solutions are constructed?

    At the national level, the use of electricity produced by nuclear power was considered a problem. Initially the municipality’s policy documents present the same problem, but there is a change of focus to the problem of imported electricity produced by fossil fuel, and the resulting emissions. At household level, the problem was often an old and badly functioning space-heating system. But some households did not formulate a problem before they converted. Instead they were influenced by their neighbours and thereby convinced.

    At all three political levels, there is consensus on the households’ responsibility concerning energy transition. While industry tends to be considered incapable of cutting down its energy consumption, households are expected to take the responsibility seriously. Furthermore, within the household, the heating system tends to be constructed as a predominantly male concern.

    At all three levels, households are perceived as dependant on economical subsidies when taking the decision to convert from electrical heating. Although it is interesting that the interviewed householders only apply this view to others than themselves. They are convinced that other households need subsidies to act in an environmentally correct way.

    The discourse concerning the Swedish energy transition illustrates a shift away from a definition of ecological modernisation where environmental considerations influence economic development. The thesis clearly shows how economic arguments repeatedly influence environmental concerns. However, the tension between the two is played down and concealed through the lack of problematisation of the responsibility of industry, and through the focus on the need for education and future opportunities. Political dialogues concerning the use of electrical heating and the conversion of energy systems towards more renewable energies are dominated by economic arguments at the three levels. One effect of this is an assumption that energy policy instruments such as information and economic subsidies are essential for the energy transition. However, if householders rather are influenced by their neighbours should the government use economic subsidy as the main energy policy instrument?

  • 35.
    Persson, Monika
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    The dynamics of policy formation: making sense of feelings of public unsafety2014Doctoral thesis, comprehensive summary (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Every policy problem has inherent value dimensions. It is on the basis of values that a state of affairs is perceived as undesirable, and thus acknowledged as a problem. This makes the process of defining and negotiating the meaning of a problem an essentially political process. Despite this, bureaucracy and expertise have a strong, if not increasing, influence over the formation of policy problems. An objectivist knowledge view predominates within the public managerial realm, which obscures the political dimension of problem formulation, while policy problems tend to be approached as a matter of efficiency.

    This thesis provides an account of mechanisms that shape and constrain the way a particular policy problem is understood and addressed. It analyses how policy actors make sense of particular problems, by drawing on different discourses (scientific, institutional, popular or media). The empirical case of this thesis is the formation of public safety policy in Sweden. The understanding of the problem of unsafety within Swedish policy is shown to be intrinsically related to the research field of fear of crime. The two are mutually dependent and exert an ideational path dependency. The ideational constraints on the understanding of unsafety are further affected by the institutional setting. It is argued that the appointed institutions and the emphasis on local level have a part in fostering individualist explanations and solutions,while obviating structural interpretations of the problem.

    The thesis finds that when governing complex policy problems there is a need to pay closer attention to how the problem is defined and how its meaning is constrained. It is crucial to make transparent the values inherent in definitions of problems as well as in research claims. By acknowledging the entwinement of policy and research the policy formation process may become characterized by greater reflexivity, and the possibility of resolving wicked problems may enlarge.

    List of papers
    1. Community safety policies in Sweden: a policy change in crime control strategies?
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Community safety policies in Sweden: a policy change in crime control strategies?
    2012 (English)In: International Journal of Public Administration, ISSN 0190-0692, E-ISSN 1532-4265, Vol. 35, no 5, p. 293-302Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    Internationally, there has been a general trend towards crime prevention and community safety measures. The main policy ideas and instruments associated with this trend have spread widely in Western countries. This article examines the Swedish national crime prevention policy. As Sweden is a welfare society with a long tradition of social crime prevention, it is of great interest to explore to what extent the aforementioned trend has influenced its crime prevention policy. We do this by examining Sweden’s national policy and how its concepts have spread to the local level—specifically, to municipalities and their local crime prevention councils. We find that there has been a preventive shift in Sweden, although not as far-reaching as in many other European countries. Substantial changes have occurred in the understanding and direction of crime prevention work, and the question is to what extent this development will continue.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    Taylor & Francis Group, 2012
    Keywords
    crime prevention, community safety, preventive turn, policy convergence, Sweden
    National Category
    Sociology Political Science
    Research subject
    Sociology; Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-24083 (URN)10.1080/01900692.2011.646084 (DOI)2-s2.0-84859879717 (Scopus ID)
    Funder
    Swedish Research Council Formas
    Available from: 2012-07-12 Created: 2012-07-12 Last updated: 2017-10-13Bibliographically approved
    2. Local sensemaking of policy paradoxes: implementing local crime prevention in Sweden
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>Local sensemaking of policy paradoxes: implementing local crime prevention in Sweden
    2012 (English)In: Public Organization Review, ISSN 1566-7170, E-ISSN 1573-7098, Vol. 13, no 1, p. 1-20Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyses the policy implementation of local crime prevention and community safety programmes in Sweden. It focuses on the clash between the transnational idea-complex and the national context, i.e. the unavoidable policy paradoxes of a transnational idea diffusion, and how they are made sense of when handled at local level. In particular, it emphasizes how actors in socioeconomically different local contexts within the same urban area have partly different reasons and motives for implementation. By using a sensemaking approach, this article contributes to the understanding of how convergence at national level is followed by divergence at local level.

    National Category
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32441 (URN)10.1007/s11115-012-0181-z (DOI)
    Available from: 2013-11-18 Created: 2013-11-18 Last updated: 2017-10-13Bibliographically approved
    3. A policy problem that cannot escape its past: constraints on the reformation of safety policy
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>A policy problem that cannot escape its past: constraints on the reformation of safety policy
    (English)Manuscript (preprint) (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Within many current policy theories there is a tendency to first identify change and then explain it. A retrospective analysis of policy changes risks missing continuous processes and struggles for change as well as mechanisms of resistance to change. Taking this as a point of departure, this paper develops an understanding of the policy process as a struggle over meaning, as a way to allow for a more nuanced understanding of the dynamics of policy change and continuity. This approach is illustrated by an analysis of the formation of public safety policy in Sweden. Alternative storylines giving ‘new’ meanings to the policy problem were strategically incorporated into the policy discourse. However, it is found that an ideational path-dependency of the policy constrains the possibility for problem reformulation and thereby also the possibility for policy change. The discourses that instantiated the policy problem affect the ways in which the problem is rendered thinkable for the purposes of its government, but also for policy analysts as well as the public. The analysis shows that it is crucial to understand the interrelations between different discourses (within policy, politics and research) to understand the mechanisms of policy change and continuity.

    Keywords
    policy, process, public safety, sweden, politics, research
    National Category
    Public Administration Studies
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-37714 (URN)
    Available from: 2014-10-14 Created: 2014-10-14 Last updated: 2017-10-17Bibliographically approved
    4. The relative importance of institutional trust in countering feelings of unsafety in disadvantaged neighbourhoods
    Open this publication in new window or tab >>The relative importance of institutional trust in countering feelings of unsafety in disadvantaged neighbourhoods
    2013 (English)In: European Spatial Research and Policy, ISSN 1231-1952, E-ISSN 1896-1525, Vol. 20, no 1, p. 73-95Article in journal (Refereed) Published
    Abstract [en]

    The segregated nature of urban areas reflects an uneven exposure to risk and unsafety. This article analyzes the relevance of place to people’s feelings of unsafety by comparing questionnaire responses from people living in a segregated, disadvantaged neighbourhood to a random sample of people living in the same city. The results suggest that the central factors explaining the individual’s feelings of unsafety differ in this particular neighbourhood compared to the broader population. The article shows that place has a moderating effect on feelings of unsafety. Trust in public institutions is argued to be particularly important in segregated, disadvantaged neighbourhoods because of its potential to prevent feelings of unsafety.

    Place, publisher, year, edition, pages
    De Gruyter Open, 2013
    Keywords
    Feelings of unsafety, trust, moderation, segregation
    National Category
    Political Science
    Research subject
    Political Science
    Identifiers
    urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-32440 (URN)10.2478/esrp-2013-0004 (DOI)2-s2.0-84992315595 (Scopus ID)
    Available from: 2013-11-18 Created: 2013-11-18 Last updated: 2018-03-06Bibliographically approved
  • 36.
    Pettersson, Conny
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Glokal institutionalisering: mötet mellan globala och lokala idéer i kommunal näringspolitik för hållbar utveckling2007Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis treats the globalisation of processes for sustainable development. It focuses, by means of both empirical and theoretical arguments, on the ways in which the United Nations’ thoughts on sustainability have been circulated, adopted and implemented in the economic policies of a Swedish municipality. The theory of sustainable development was launched to the wider society by the World Commission for Environment and Development in 1987. The question is, what happens to the globally formulated idea on sustainable development when it is interpreted locally and eventually put into practice in municipalities and elsewhere?

    The aim of the first section of the thesis is to describe and analyse the economic policy for sustainable development in Karlskoga. The politico-economic policy in Karlskoga has been roughly the same for the past 30 years. The primary aim of the municipality’s economic policy is to break with tradition and readjust the business structure. The purpose is to achieve a business sector that is less dependent on the financial markets. The analysis illustrates the practical work that sometimes follows proud declarations, in this case regarding sustainable development, but also describe the various processes that are initiated when new influences are introduced in organisations. This study shows that Karlskoga has hardly any fundamental prioritisation problems in the execution of its economic policies. It is the present that matters, and it is economic and social welfare that is being prioritised. The economic policies in Karlskoga can hardly be said to reflect sustainable thinking.

    This thesis has applied an abductive approach to the issues which have been described. This means that the interpretation of the establishment of an economic policy for sustainable development in the municipality of Karlskoga has been challenged in the second section of the thesis. More specifically, the conclusions have been challenged. The process has been twofold. Firstly, the viewpoint from a potentially more successful case of economic policy development with regards to sustainable work has been examined, followed by the viewpoint from a theoretical perspective.

    It is evident that Karlskoga comes across as tradition-preserving, fence-sitting and downright passive in its process to outline its municipal economic policy for sustainable development. The municipality of Hällefors, on the other hand, has asserted itself more as a breaker of traditions and has been active and frankly exemplary in its drive to implement the relevant policies. This analysis therefore begins with the similarity in historical development , before looking at which position the respective municipalities choose to take with regards to the economic policy when the sustainable development process is initiated. The question at the heart of the analysis is whether the Hällefors’ dawning success may be used to shed light on Karlskoga’s economic policy, and if so, then in what way. Theoretical formulation on institutionalisation and the spreading of ideas is thus applied in order to interpret the means by which the municipalities adopted the principles of sustainable development, as well as the methods through which it has been incorporated in the politico-economic strategy.

    It is obvious that the authorities in Hällefors are faced with similar problems to those in Karlskoga. In the first place, it is difficult to reconcile the current sustainable thinking with the politico-economic tradition. The similarities between the municipalities is that it is largely at the formulation stage. Both municipalities are struggling to succeed in translating and formulating the meaning of their sustainability principles. If the strategy in Hällefors is described as dynamically progressive, then the process in Karlskoga could be labelled dynamically conservative. Nevertheless, it is impossible to prove the success or failure of either strategy based on such descriptions. Each designation should be viewed against the background of expressed goals and assessed in relation to the extent to which these have been accomplished. This viewpoint is that we cannot expect to bring about a convergent or homogenised global thinking on sustainable development. This study illustrates that local traditions and conditions significantly influence the manner in which ideas are distributed, adopted and institutionalised in different historical and spatial contexts.

  • 37.
    Pettersson, Henry
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Den försiktiga kameleonten: europeisk socialdemokrati och brittiska labour2004Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The first aim of this study is to examine the foundation, the conditions and the development of European Social Democracy. Its development is understood as a function of electoral behaviour and its interest in being the party of Government. European Social Democracy has moved from a leftwing position towards the centre. The second aim of this study is to examine the ideological change of the British Labour Party. Labourism has been the ideological form of the Social Democratic ideas of the British Labour Party.

    The division between Social Democracy and Social or Radical Liberalism is not always distinct and evident. Especially the British Labour party and its dominant think tank, the Fabian Society, have always represented a non-Marxist brand of Socialism very close to British radical Liberalism. European Social Democracy has influenced the British Labour Party and vice versa. The Fabian Society inspired the founder of Revisionism, Eduard Bernstein with his book Evolutionary Socialism. Keynesian management, mixed economy and the welfare state became the most important elements of Social Democratic policy after the Second World War.

    The 1945 Labour Party electoral manifesto Let us face the future was a mixture of limited Socialist ideas and ambitions to create a welfare state. In 1945-51, the United Kingdom was the only major Western country to be governed by a Social Democratic one-party government.

    In the 1960s, there was a leftwing surge and Social Democracy came to power in both Britain and Germany. With The New Britain, the manifesto of 1964, Harold Wilson represented a technocratic interpretation of Socialism and Social Democracy. Such ideas were common in several Social Democracies at the time.

    In the 1970s, there was a deep rift between the Labour Right and the Labour Left about economic policy, defence policy and party democracy. The electoral manifesto The New Hope for Britain 1983 has been seen as the high tide of the Labour Left and ‘the longest suicide note’ in the Labour Party history. In the 1980s and the first half of the 1990s, several other Northern Social Democratic parties were also in electoral crisis and opposition. This was partly compensated for by the victories and governments of the Southern European Socialist Parties.

    The electoral manifesto of 1997, New Labour; because Britain deserves better, was followed by the greatest victory in Labours history since 1945. New Labour was the leading advocate of the ‘Third way’ between traditional Social Democracy and neo-liberalism.

    The conclusion of this study about European Social Democracy is that the history of Social Democracy is the history of adaptation and eclecticism. The conclusion about the British Labour Party is that its Labourism has from time to time taken different forms but with ‘New Labour’, the party perhaps stretches itself beyond Labourism.

  • 38.
    Pincus, Ingrid
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    The politics of gender equality policy: a study of implementation and non-implementation in three Swedish municipalities2002Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The question raised in this thesis is why the implementation of the Swedish government’s gender equality policy for the most part comes to a halt when it is to be implemented in local organizations. Its aim, more concretely, is to investigate and analyze the role of men in political and administrative leadership positions when this policy is to be institutionalized in the operations of these organizations. This study approaches the implementation of government policy as a political process and the framework applied to investigate this process is a modified form of Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz’ nondecision-making model. This framework, which uses an approach to power labeled by Steven Lukes as the second face of power, is adjusted and retailored to disclose power relations and conflicts in the implementation process. It is used to document and analyze how men in political and administrative leadership positions intentionally or unintentionally engage in what is referred to as the non-implementation of gender equality policy.

    The findings of this study, based on an investigation of three local authorities during roughly a fifteen-year period, document and illustrate the different methods/barriers used by men in leadership to prevent, inhibit and obstruct the institutiona-lization of gender equality policy in the operations of these local authorities. Inactivity/passivity was the most prevalent form at all stages of the implementation process. Indirect forms included co-opting control of gender equality initiatives, preventing gender equality operations from acquiring resources, undermining these operations by withdrawing resources and questioning their legitimacy. Direct forms of obstruction included the “branding” of gender equality workers, undermining their professional and personal legitimacy, and harassment. The findings also reveal how some men in leadership positions, passively and actively, promoted the institutionalization of this policy.

    In the final chapter I discuss other factors that could be used to explain the sluggish pace of gender equality policy implementation. I also raise and discuss whether and in what sense the power struggle concerning the implementation of gender equality policy is gendered.

  • 39.
    Raoof, Rebin
    et al.
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Jashari, Dardan
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences.
    Från Tahrirtorget till ett(o)demokratiskt Egypten?: -Demokratins förutsättningar och utmaningar i Egypten, efter den arabiska våren 20112012Independent thesis Basic level (degree of Bachelor), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    The aim of this bachelor thesis is to through a theoretical analyze, investigate the conditions and the challenges for a consolidated democracy in Egypt from 1952 until after the revolution of 2011. The central question in this thesis is what opportunities and challenges are there for the democratic consolidation in Egypt, with respect to civic, political and economic conditions. How have the conditions developed between 1952 and 2011? How has the transition government/military government handled the central problems in the transitions phase after 2011? The theory used in this analysis is Linz and Stepans famous five arenas (the political society, the economic society, the civil society, the bureaucracy and the state of rule, whit focus on the three first). Through a qualitative case study we have analyzed the conditions in Egypt from 1952 to after the revolution 2011.The empirical material shows that the arenas in Egypt are both historically and current very weak, and they are not supporting democratic consolidation as they are challenged by several enormous problems. Egypt is still in a transition phase and has still a long way to go for democratic consolidation.

  • 40.
    Rydén, Birgitta
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    Principen om den anpassningsbara försvarsförmågan: ett implementeringsperspektiv på svensk försvarspolitik under försvarsbeslutsperioden 1997 - 20012003Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
  • 41.
    Sedelius, Thomas
    Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences.
    The tug-of-war between presidents and prime ministers: semi-presidentialism in Central and Eastern Europe2006Doctoral thesis, monograph (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Presidential power and constitutional issues are at the very core of recent popular upheavals in the former Soviet republics, as demonstrated by the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004, and similar protests in Georgia in 2003 and in Kyrgyzstan in 2005. After the demise of the Soviet Union, these countries opted for a particular form of semi-presidentialism, here referred to as president-parliamentary. This dissertation deals with president-parliamentary systems, as well as with the other form of semi-presidentialism, namely premier-presidentialism. The study examines a typical feature of semi-presidentialism, i.e. intra-executive conflicts between the president and the prime minister/cabinet, by analysing the pattern, institutional triggers, and implications of such conflicts in Central and Eastern Europe. In addition, the choice of semi-presidentialism and differences in transitional context and constitutional building are accounted for. The following countries are specifically dealt with: Bulgaria, Croatia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, and Romania, Russia and Ukraine. The study’s empirical base is a mixture of data derived from literature, reports, review of constitutional documents, as well as from an expert survey conducted among analysts with an expert knowledge on the countries under scrutiny.

    The results suggest that both actor-oriented and historical-institutional factors have to be considered in order to understand why so many post-communist countries ended up with semi-presidentialism, and why there is such a sharp divide between Central Europe and the (non-Baltic) former Soviet republics with regard to the choice of semi-presidential type. The pattern of intra-executive struggles reveals that conflicts were somewhat more recurrent in the early period following the transition, but persist as a frequently occurring phenomenon throughout the post-communist period. The most common type of conflict has revolved around division of powers within the executive branch. As for triggers of conflict, the study suggests that certain institutional factors, such as electoral concurrence and party system fragmentation, have been important. Regarding the management of conflict, and the options available to the conflicting parties, the analysis indicates that the constitutional courts have played an important role as conflict mediators, and that attempts of changing the constitution, and using public addresses are options preferred by the presidents. Finally, the analysis shows that intra-executive conflict is associated with cabinet instability. A case study example also illustrates how the president-parliamentary framework can be related to policy ineffectiveness. The study finally concludes that premier-presidential systems have great governance potential provided that the party systems develop and consolidate. The conclusions regarding the president-parliamentary system are less encouraging, and it is argued that the adoption of this system is an important factor in relation to the failed democratisation in many post-Soviet countries.

  • 42.
    Sohl, Sofia
    Örebro University, School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences. Örebro University.
    Politiskt självförtroende och samhällsdeltagande: En kvalitativ studie av begreppet politiskt självförtroende i kombination med en kvantitativ analys av dess effekter på europeiska ungdomars deltagande i samhället.2008Independent thesis Advanced level (degree of Master (One Year)), 10 credits / 15 HE creditsStudent thesis
    Abstract [en]

    This thesis is about the effect of political efficacy on societal participation among youths aged 15 to 29. It takes a starting point in the gloomy view of the decline of political participation among citizens in the western world, especially pointing out youths as a threat to democracy. This is a broad subject to take on so my aim becomes a bit more specific. The aim of the thesis is therefore to investigate if belief in ones own capacity and in the responsiveness of the political system affects the actual participation among youths in Europe, independent of a set of alternative predictors. Moreover the thesis is divided into two sub-investigations, one qualitative and one quantitative. The qualitative part discusses and analyzes the concept of political efficacy in a new and broader way outlining two dimensions of the concept, internal and external political efficacy. Using the modified definition of political efficacy the quantitative part provides an analysis of the effects of internal and external efficacy on societal participation among youths. This analysis is done in three steps. First four theoretical groups are derived from the two dimensions of political efficacy and then these are analysed against a set of control variables and three forms of societal participation, lawful public demonstration, contacting a politician or public official and buying a product for certain political, ethical or environmental reasons (“buycott”). Secondly a set of logistic regressions are performed analysing the effect of each dimension of political efficacy on the three forms of societal participation controlling for six alternative predictors (the control variables). Lastly the effects of each dimension of political efficacy are compared to see if different dimensions of political efficacy affect different forms of societal participation. The result shows that it is primarily the internal political efficacy that has effect on societal participation; there are significant results of the logistic regressions on all three forms of participation. As for the external political efficacy it only appears to have effect on “buycott”. However the model for the regressions did not show significant model-fit for t